By Ayesha Siddiqa:
On Wednesday, the Pakistan government formally charged the seven key suspects believed to be involved in last year’s Mumbai terror attacks.
This decision, which came on the eve of the first anniversary of the attacks, is a positive gesture from Islamabad and one which will probably help break the current logjam between India and Pakistan. The Indian government had linked the resumption of talks and the composite dialogue with forward movement in this regard.
The decision also comes in the wake of expanding allegations regarding Pakistan’s linkage with the Mumbai terror plot. Reportedly new evidence has been found in the David Headley case, in which a Chicago-based US citizen of Pakistani origin was found by the FBI to be involved in the planning of the Mumbai attacks. Headley and five other Pakistanis have been arrested abroad for their links with the attack and Lashkar-i-Taiba. There were two other Pakistanis resident in Italy who were also caught for providing funding for the Mumbai terror plot.
The discovery of new information and Islamabad’s decision might provide some temporary consolation to the relatives of the victims, but it would also make them highly suspicious of any peace initiative between the two neighbours. The indictment of the seven suspects could help move bilateral relations further but it may not necessarily put relations completely back on track. There are many in India who will probably continue to be suspicious of Pakistan’s intent to move forward in the case.
For Manmohan Singh’s government this is really a catch-22 situation because while the indictment breaks the logjam, New Delhi would also have to decide whether or not to support and have faith in the Pakistani judicial system, especially when the case is legally and politically complex. The hearings, which are being held in camera, could take a long time to conclude. The defence lawyers would probably also try to challenge the legality of the indictment on the grounds that the seven people were being charged for a crime that did not take place on Pakistani soil.
There is precedence regarding cases which were thrown out on this particular technicality. There is also probability of the proceedings slowing down due to the issue of the defence counsel’s physical access to the only surviving gunman — Ajmal Kasab. One is not sure if India will muster enough confidence in Pakistan to extradite this key witness.
But what is beyond doubt is the fact that the case will probably drag on for a while. The faith the two states may or may not develop in each other regarding the legal processing of this case will also determine the quality of bilateral relations. Not to forget that there are a sufficient number of actors on both sides of the divide who will target their own government for the perceived ‘giving in’ to the rival.
There is certainly a noticeable gap between what the Pakistani state is willing to do to appease New Delhi and how society perceives the cooperation in the case. A popular perception held and propagated by many in the media is that 26/11 is perhaps as much a conspiracy as 9/11. While there are many who continue to remind others of a supposed list of 3,000 Jews who they say had not turned up for work on the day of the attack on the World Trade Centre, similar suspicions are cast on the Mumbai tragedy.
The disappearance of the Kasab family from Faridkot soon after it was discovered by the media only helps support the argument that the Kasab family does not actually exist. What’s important is not that Islamabad’s lie was exposed but that the disappearance would help erase the memory of the discovery from the minds of ordinary Pakistanis.
However, as the two states engage in a battle of wits and patiently await the fate of the legal battle, it is important that they use the opportunity to explore the future of bilateral links, especially from the perspective of evaluating the capacity of the two states and societies to bear such acts of violence. The question that we must ask ourselves is what could happen if there was another attack of the scale of Mumbai. More importantly, could the region afford another tragic incident?
The average Indian is probably not impressed with the argument that Pakistan is itself a victim of terrorism. New Delhi has dealt with a series of attacks on its soil, especially the two significant attacks: the first on the Indian parliament in 2001 followed by Mumbai in 2008. Although the link with Pakistan is not conclusively proven and many in Pakistan would like to believe the argument that most of the evidence is not presentable in a court of law, the average Indian is not bothered about the legal status.
Therefore, political pressure on New Delhi to respond ‘in the same coin’ if such terror attacks are repeated in the future will mount. Surely the region was saved from a greater crisis due to the nuclear deterrent and American assistance or diplomatic intervention.
However, the aforementioned recipe might not work, or maybe it will. Unfortunately, due to a reduction in people-to-people contacts the general public in Pakistan does not appreciate the deep sense of hurt across the border. While both states choose to deal with this controversy with the help of the media — which means that what one has seen was more of jingoism than a real assessment of the situation — there is a need for a serious review by the media and opinion-makers to objectively assess the region’s ability to deal with a similar crisis in the future.
There are even suggestions that the two states must open additional channels of communication at the level of the heads of intelligence. After all, why beat about the bush and not have those talk who are accused of pursuing a proxy war as a continued option? In fact, the head of the ISI reportedly sent a signal to the Indian government for direct talks.
This is not to suggest that opening this channel is a recipe for setting things right in the short term. It is essentially another layer of CBMs meant to avoid an escalation of tension while proxies are maintained as an option. The more important issue, however, is regarding the transparency of this additional dialogue.
Needless to say, there is too much at stake for both states to continue with proxies or not find a permanent method to resolve dicey issues.
The writer is an independent strategic and political analyst.
ayesha.ibd@gmail.com
Political storm brews for President Zardari
President Asif Ali Zardari is facing mounting pressure to relinquish many of his powers, raising the spectre of a damaging political fracas just as the nation battles the Taliban.
Only 15 months into his rule, Zardari is contending with rock-bottom public opinion, strained relations with the powerful military, a bloody insurgency and a vocal opposition party challenging his rule.
He has lost much of the public sympathy that helped his Pakistan People's Party (PPP) win elections in early 2008, soon after the assassination of his wife, the hugely popular two-time prime minister Benazir Bhutto.
Political tensions that have simmered for months bubbled to the surface over the weekend, when a legal amnesty protecting Zardari and key aides from corruption cases expired, plunging the nation into uncertainly.
‘At this point of time when the country needs undivided attention to face its challenges, the government could get entangled in legal battles and their future is so uncertain,’ said independent political analyst Talat Masood.
The corruption amnesty, known as the National Reconciliation Ordinance, was passed by former military ruler Pervez Musharraf in 2007.
It quashed charges against Zardari, Benazir Bhutto and other politicians in a gesture of political reconciliation as Musharraf faced increasing pressure to end nearly nine years of military rule and restore democratic elections.
Zardari spent several years in jail for corruption and is still referred to as ‘Mr Ten Per cent’ because of his reputation for allegedly taking kickbacks on deals.
Succeeding Musharraf as president in September 2008, Zardari has immunity from prosecution. But that immunity could now be challenged in the Supreme Court, opening the door for prosecution on outstanding cases.
Rasool Bakhsh Raees, a professor of political science at Lahore University of Management Sciences, said there were numerous grounds for challenging his immunity. And with so many foes, Zardari's position looked perilous.
‘The legal process is going to take its course, and if it does I see slim survival chances for the PPP leadership including President Zardari,’ he said.
Weathering the storm will take political savvy on Zardari's part.
The president on Saturday gave control of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal to Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, widely seen as a move to fend off criticism by making good on electoral promises to devolve greater power to parliament.
‘It is a signal to political parties and the army that he is willing to accept his reduced position as a figurehead,’ said Raees.
But this will unlikely be enough to appease his critics.
The opposition Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz is calling on Zardari to relinquish powers he inherited from Musharraf to dissolve parliament and sack the prime minister — the so-called 17th amendment to the constitution.
A key problem, Masood said, was that Zardari had very few allies left. ‘The media and military are not very supportive, which means his future is really uncertain and he will have to surrender his powers.’
Tensions have simmered between the army and Zardari for months, notably over a US aid package signed into law in Washington in October.
It earned a terse rebuke from army chief General Ashfaq Kayani, who expressed ‘serious concerns’ about strings attached to some of the funding.
Any political fracas will likely unnerve Pakistan's Western allies, who have been pressing Islamabad to expand a multi-pronged offensive launched earlier this year against Taliban militants across swathes of the northwest.
The offensives have sparked a wave of retaliatory suicide bombings by the Taliban, with more than 430 people killed in Pakistan in the past two months.
‘Politicians are not paying attention to real issues; the war against the Taliban, suicide bombings and the economy,’ said Hasan Askari, a visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University.
‘Pakistani politics is personalised, and only the issues which can pull down Zardari are being focussed on.’
Only 15 months into his rule, Zardari is contending with rock-bottom public opinion, strained relations with the powerful military, a bloody insurgency and a vocal opposition party challenging his rule.
He has lost much of the public sympathy that helped his Pakistan People's Party (PPP) win elections in early 2008, soon after the assassination of his wife, the hugely popular two-time prime minister Benazir Bhutto.
Political tensions that have simmered for months bubbled to the surface over the weekend, when a legal amnesty protecting Zardari and key aides from corruption cases expired, plunging the nation into uncertainly.
‘At this point of time when the country needs undivided attention to face its challenges, the government could get entangled in legal battles and their future is so uncertain,’ said independent political analyst Talat Masood.
The corruption amnesty, known as the National Reconciliation Ordinance, was passed by former military ruler Pervez Musharraf in 2007.
It quashed charges against Zardari, Benazir Bhutto and other politicians in a gesture of political reconciliation as Musharraf faced increasing pressure to end nearly nine years of military rule and restore democratic elections.
Zardari spent several years in jail for corruption and is still referred to as ‘Mr Ten Per cent’ because of his reputation for allegedly taking kickbacks on deals.
Succeeding Musharraf as president in September 2008, Zardari has immunity from prosecution. But that immunity could now be challenged in the Supreme Court, opening the door for prosecution on outstanding cases.
Rasool Bakhsh Raees, a professor of political science at Lahore University of Management Sciences, said there were numerous grounds for challenging his immunity. And with so many foes, Zardari's position looked perilous.
‘The legal process is going to take its course, and if it does I see slim survival chances for the PPP leadership including President Zardari,’ he said.
Weathering the storm will take political savvy on Zardari's part.
The president on Saturday gave control of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal to Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, widely seen as a move to fend off criticism by making good on electoral promises to devolve greater power to parliament.
‘It is a signal to political parties and the army that he is willing to accept his reduced position as a figurehead,’ said Raees.
But this will unlikely be enough to appease his critics.
The opposition Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz is calling on Zardari to relinquish powers he inherited from Musharraf to dissolve parliament and sack the prime minister — the so-called 17th amendment to the constitution.
A key problem, Masood said, was that Zardari had very few allies left. ‘The media and military are not very supportive, which means his future is really uncertain and he will have to surrender his powers.’
Tensions have simmered between the army and Zardari for months, notably over a US aid package signed into law in Washington in October.
It earned a terse rebuke from army chief General Ashfaq Kayani, who expressed ‘serious concerns’ about strings attached to some of the funding.
Any political fracas will likely unnerve Pakistan's Western allies, who have been pressing Islamabad to expand a multi-pronged offensive launched earlier this year against Taliban militants across swathes of the northwest.
The offensives have sparked a wave of retaliatory suicide bombings by the Taliban, with more than 430 people killed in Pakistan in the past two months.
‘Politicians are not paying attention to real issues; the war against the Taliban, suicide bombings and the economy,’ said Hasan Askari, a visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University.
‘Pakistani politics is personalised, and only the issues which can pull down Zardari are being focussed on.’
A tale of two stories!
By Cyril Almeida
Military men have been up to some very bad things, we’ve learned this week. But the very different reactions to two seemingly unrelated stories in the media tell us at least one thing: things aren’t going to get better any time soon.
First, over to Jeremy Scahill, writing in The Nation, US: ‘At a covert forward operating base run by the US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) in the Pakistani port city of Karachi, members of an elite division of Blackwater are at the centre of a secret programme in which they plan targeted assassinations of suspected Taliban and Al Qaeda operatives, ‘snatch and grabs’ of high-value targets and other sensitive action inside and outside Pakistan.’
Before you reach for your pitchfork to skewer evil Americans up to no good inside Pakistan without our leadership’s knowledge — military or civilian — consider what else Scahill has reported: ‘He [a former senior Blackwater executive] said that Blackwater is also working for the Pakistani government on a subcontract with an Islamabad-based security firm that puts US Blackwater operatives on the ground with Pakistani forces in counter-terrorism operations, including house raids and border interdictions, in the North West Frontier Province and elsewhere in Pakistan.’
‘Government’ can be misleading since it implies the civilian side of the state, but the story makes it clear elsewhere who inside Pakistan is really working with Blackwater: ‘According to the executive, Blackwater works on a subcontract for Kestral Logistics, a powerful Pakistani firm, which specialises in military logistical support, private security and intelligence consulting. It is staffed with former high-ranking Pakistani army and government officials.’
The reaction to these revelations should be severe; we don’t need America’s version of non-state actors, mercenaries, really, running around our country, whatever their purpose or utility. The fact that the Pakistan Army — that so-called bastion of professionalism and custodian of our national security — has acquiesced in or enabled the activities of these non-state actors as opposed to elected representatives — the so-called ‘bloody civilians’, aka politicians — doesn’t make it any better or well-thought-out an idea.
But here’s the problem: the selective outrage of the media and the public enables military men to remain immune from accountability.
On Tuesday, a front-page headline in Dawn proclaimed: ‘Intelligence agencies looking into oil, gas deals’. The accompanying article goes on to report: ‘According to sources, a team of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Military Intelligence (MI) has collected record of the proposed transactions and interviewed the managing director of the Pakistan State Oil (PSO) and some senior officials of the petroleum ministry.’
Who authorised agencies run by the military to investigate commercial affairs? To whom is the ISI/MI team going to present its findings? To what purpose will the findings be applied? None of these questions have appeared to worry many here.
Fixated as the media and the public are on the corruption allegations that are churning the political waters at the moment, it seems to matter little who is probing corruption and why — just as long as someone is, there’s hope that the ‘dirty’ politicians can be drained from the swamp. It’s a simple, visceral reaction in a messy place where there are few good options: corruption, bad; those fighting corruption, good.
But bad as corruption may be, the revelation of the ISI/MI probe is, or ought to be, equally, if not more, unsettling. It is yet another piece of evidence that the transition to democracy, already shaky because of the political sins of the politicians, is headed in the wrong direction, and that the military is perhaps quietly working to nudge it in that wrong direction.
A bold pronouncement? Consider this. It is an open secret by now that President Zardari and the army high command have rocky relations. Neither really likes the other and some of that dislike is personal and some policy-driven. But the publicly known disagreements so far have been about policy issues: who controls the ISI, what is our declared nuclear posture, what conditions attached to US aid are acceptable.
Inserting the ISI and MI into the civilian domain to probe corruption, however, is not about policy, it is about politics. Only the incorrigibly naïve would believe that the intelligence team was sent over to fight corruption in the system.
But the point here is larger than the fate of Zardari or the government. The point is this: a law unto itself, the army’s actions remain frighteningly immune from accountability — and the lack of public and media opposition to its ‘good’ but possibly illegal actions (such as sending its intelligence operatives to investigate a very narrow, specific case of alleged corruption that could affect the presidential camp) means that there is absolutely no chance that the army’s bad and possibly illegal actions can ever be stopped.
In real terms, there is virtually nothing that can be done to stop Blackwater and its ilk from operating here. Secret military operations are the blackest of black holes, and if the media and the public kick up a fuss over Blackwater, the army will quietly switch to some other opaque tactic. And if that is subsequently exposed, too, the army will switch to a third.
Meaningful civilian oversight of the army is obviously a distant goal, but it will remain a chimera — an impossible idea — if the public and the media and the politicians never push back against the army on the smallest of issues.
That’s exactly what the corruption probe by the ISI/MI team should be: a relatively small matter on which there should be no ambiguity in denouncing it and demanding it be shut down at once.
There is, of course, no straight line between the army’s corruption probe and its murky arrangements with Blackwater. But the two stories fit into a bigger picture of the army setting and playing by its own rules. And unless the army gets its knuckles rapped for minor misdemeanours, why should it ever worry about being held accountable for its major sins?
Military men have been up to some very bad things, we’ve learned this week. But the very different reactions to two seemingly unrelated stories in the media tell us at least one thing: things aren’t going to get better any time soon.
First, over to Jeremy Scahill, writing in The Nation, US: ‘At a covert forward operating base run by the US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) in the Pakistani port city of Karachi, members of an elite division of Blackwater are at the centre of a secret programme in which they plan targeted assassinations of suspected Taliban and Al Qaeda operatives, ‘snatch and grabs’ of high-value targets and other sensitive action inside and outside Pakistan.’
Before you reach for your pitchfork to skewer evil Americans up to no good inside Pakistan without our leadership’s knowledge — military or civilian — consider what else Scahill has reported: ‘He [a former senior Blackwater executive] said that Blackwater is also working for the Pakistani government on a subcontract with an Islamabad-based security firm that puts US Blackwater operatives on the ground with Pakistani forces in counter-terrorism operations, including house raids and border interdictions, in the North West Frontier Province and elsewhere in Pakistan.’
‘Government’ can be misleading since it implies the civilian side of the state, but the story makes it clear elsewhere who inside Pakistan is really working with Blackwater: ‘According to the executive, Blackwater works on a subcontract for Kestral Logistics, a powerful Pakistani firm, which specialises in military logistical support, private security and intelligence consulting. It is staffed with former high-ranking Pakistani army and government officials.’
The reaction to these revelations should be severe; we don’t need America’s version of non-state actors, mercenaries, really, running around our country, whatever their purpose or utility. The fact that the Pakistan Army — that so-called bastion of professionalism and custodian of our national security — has acquiesced in or enabled the activities of these non-state actors as opposed to elected representatives — the so-called ‘bloody civilians’, aka politicians — doesn’t make it any better or well-thought-out an idea.
But here’s the problem: the selective outrage of the media and the public enables military men to remain immune from accountability.
On Tuesday, a front-page headline in Dawn proclaimed: ‘Intelligence agencies looking into oil, gas deals’. The accompanying article goes on to report: ‘According to sources, a team of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Military Intelligence (MI) has collected record of the proposed transactions and interviewed the managing director of the Pakistan State Oil (PSO) and some senior officials of the petroleum ministry.’
Who authorised agencies run by the military to investigate commercial affairs? To whom is the ISI/MI team going to present its findings? To what purpose will the findings be applied? None of these questions have appeared to worry many here.
Fixated as the media and the public are on the corruption allegations that are churning the political waters at the moment, it seems to matter little who is probing corruption and why — just as long as someone is, there’s hope that the ‘dirty’ politicians can be drained from the swamp. It’s a simple, visceral reaction in a messy place where there are few good options: corruption, bad; those fighting corruption, good.
But bad as corruption may be, the revelation of the ISI/MI probe is, or ought to be, equally, if not more, unsettling. It is yet another piece of evidence that the transition to democracy, already shaky because of the political sins of the politicians, is headed in the wrong direction, and that the military is perhaps quietly working to nudge it in that wrong direction.
A bold pronouncement? Consider this. It is an open secret by now that President Zardari and the army high command have rocky relations. Neither really likes the other and some of that dislike is personal and some policy-driven. But the publicly known disagreements so far have been about policy issues: who controls the ISI, what is our declared nuclear posture, what conditions attached to US aid are acceptable.
Inserting the ISI and MI into the civilian domain to probe corruption, however, is not about policy, it is about politics. Only the incorrigibly naïve would believe that the intelligence team was sent over to fight corruption in the system.
But the point here is larger than the fate of Zardari or the government. The point is this: a law unto itself, the army’s actions remain frighteningly immune from accountability — and the lack of public and media opposition to its ‘good’ but possibly illegal actions (such as sending its intelligence operatives to investigate a very narrow, specific case of alleged corruption that could affect the presidential camp) means that there is absolutely no chance that the army’s bad and possibly illegal actions can ever be stopped.
In real terms, there is virtually nothing that can be done to stop Blackwater and its ilk from operating here. Secret military operations are the blackest of black holes, and if the media and the public kick up a fuss over Blackwater, the army will quietly switch to some other opaque tactic. And if that is subsequently exposed, too, the army will switch to a third.
Meaningful civilian oversight of the army is obviously a distant goal, but it will remain a chimera — an impossible idea — if the public and the media and the politicians never push back against the army on the smallest of issues.
That’s exactly what the corruption probe by the ISI/MI team should be: a relatively small matter on which there should be no ambiguity in denouncing it and demanding it be shut down at once.
There is, of course, no straight line between the army’s corruption probe and its murky arrangements with Blackwater. But the two stories fit into a bigger picture of the army setting and playing by its own rules. And unless the army gets its knuckles rapped for minor misdemeanours, why should it ever worry about being held accountable for its major sins?
Increase in US troops may make Pakistan’s situation worse
ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani said increase in US troops in Afghanistan might lead to a spill over of militants inside Pakistan and make the situation worse. Hence, western countries should evolve a joint strategy against the Taliban on the Pak-Afghan border, he said.
In an interview with German Press Agency ahead of his first visit to Germany as the prime minister, Gilani stressed the Obama administration would have to formulate the military strategy for Afghanistan in consultation with Pakistan.
Responding to a question, Gilani said we have highlighted our concerns about the possible increase in US forces in Afghanistan. Our fear is that if the troops are increased, the militants might spill over to Pakistan, he added.
The prime minister said Pakistan was taking an all out action against the terrorists, which was being recognised also, however, the international community should enhance co-operation with the country.
In an interview with German Press Agency ahead of his first visit to Germany as the prime minister, Gilani stressed the Obama administration would have to formulate the military strategy for Afghanistan in consultation with Pakistan.
Responding to a question, Gilani said we have highlighted our concerns about the possible increase in US forces in Afghanistan. Our fear is that if the troops are increased, the militants might spill over to Pakistan, he added.
The prime minister said Pakistan was taking an all out action against the terrorists, which was being recognised also, however, the international community should enhance co-operation with the country.
pkinside.blogspot.com, A Site covers Pakistan
A weblog (Blog) has started namely PKInside which covers news items about Pakistan Political Situation, Entertainment, Mobile World, Health etc.
http://pkinside.blogspot.com
http://pkinside.blogspot.com
Have a heart, you are the president, Mr Zardari!
By Shaheen Sehbai
WASHINGTON: When an elected head of the state, who is also the head of the largest political party of the country, the Supreme Commander of the country’s armed forces and (at least on papers) the man with his finger on the country’s nuclear button, cannot venture out of his bunker in the presidency, a five-star prison of sorts, and attacks a TV channel, a newspaper editor or a talk show anchor, he must be seriously in trouble or scared to death with insecurity.
It was a great day in my professional career to get so much attention on live TV, nationally and throughout the world, with the country’s president talking about me (why did you not name me) in a furiously threatening tone, foaming and frothing as if he would shoot me if I had been somewhere close to him at the time. I have just landed in Washington to spend a few days with my family on Eid ul Azha and the first thing I hear on TV is my head of state calling me names. It was a unique welcome to the festival of sacrifices.
I heard Asif Ali Zardari’s speech, his first major political address in months, which dealt with no other burning issue of the country, many times wanting to find out what message he had for the country, other than saying that he was a brave man, he was ready to offer sacrifices and he would not be coweddown and would prefer to leave in an ambulance rather than walk out of the presidency under duress. The more I heard his rants, the more loudly I laughed, again and again.
Here is the strongest man in the country so rattled by a few reports and articles by me, or a few talk shows by Dr Shahid Masood, that he forgets to mention anything about the infamous NRO, the shame of the Kerry Lugar Bill, the gross charges of corruption, money laundering or misuse of power against him and his cronies. He did not mention the issues of sugar, atta, electricity and unemployment. He did not praise the soldiers and people fighting the deadly terrorists. He and his few people now sharing power were only worried about their own fate, with the loud spoken Zulfikar Mirza declaring to the world that he would use the Sindh Card, if worse comes to worst.
Zardari referred to me by frequently mentioning someone with “an American passport”. He also said I was not a Pakistani national. He has to get his facts right. But carrying an American passport is not something he would like to turn into a disqualification as bulk of his own cronies are exiles who have acquired foreign passports, including US passports, and they would be the ones to jump the ship first. I am a Pakistani and work in Pakistan and will continue to do so.
His biggest accusation against me was that I wanted him “to leave the presidency in an ambulance”. I think he knows better as he has been telling many who meet him in his bunker that he would not quit and people will have to take him out. This is what he reiterated in his speech on Wednesday night.
But he is wrong on this count as well. I had only quoted his own words on Nov 4 in my column: “The contours of a changed, unwritten script” in these words: “This assessment will purely be an analysis and conclusions drawn up by a journalist....So my analysis is that he will fight back. Some who still have access to him claim that he has expressed these defiant views many a time saying he would never resign and if someone wanted to remove him, he should send an ambulance because he would not walk out on his own two feet.” This is where ambulance was used. In his speech he confirmed what I had written that he would not go away.
In the same article, my opinion was: “All stakeholders agree, and this I can claim after meeting almost all of them in the last few days in Islamabad and Lahore, that President Asif Ali Zardari will have to either step down with dignity, hand over his presidential powers to the PM through a fast-track constitutional amendments process, or become a figurehead and stay within his bunker for as long as he does not create any nuisance.” I was seeing him as a figurehead as long as he behaves. This does not mean his murder, though it could mean a political suicide.
His party leaders have also been objecting to my use of the word ‘martyr’ for Zardari and one Minister, Dr Babar Awan, had the temerity to ask me in a TV show to name the people who would kill Zardari, as if I had been plotting his murder or martyrdom with these people. There has to be a limit to sycophancy and toadyism.
My words in my Nov 7 article were: “Zardari will have to make his decision very quickly on whether he wants to exit with dignity or become a martyr. The days, as they say, are in fact numbered.” It is clear for anyone who understands English what is meant here is a ‘political martyr’ and not dead in the physical sense. If someone cannot understand the language, a very handy Prof Husain Haqqani can help any time.
Other than these references in Zardari’s speech about me, what I can guess is that he is rattled because I have been criticising his style of governance, his failures in taking successful political decisions, his U-Turns at every critical time, his arrogance and stubbornness and lately his indecent manner of speech with his own prime minister.
Neither the president nor the PM have denied any of the contents of my article about Zardari using insulting words against Gilani. In fact, my sources say, when PM Gilani was asked about my article and whether there was a tiff between him and the president, Gilani’s very diplomatic reply was: “I am not angry with the president.” He decided not to comment on what he had heard from Zardari and in what tone.
It is the right of every writer and journalist to criticise the rulers on their policies, their decisions and their actions. This is exactly what I have been doing during my 42-year-long career. I have criticised every ruler, without fear or favour and whenever the political rulers were out of office and struggling to come back, I happened to be one of their most favorite journalists and had even developed personal friendships with them. This is also true in the case of Zardari.
When he was arrested in 1990 by Jam Sadiq Ali and thrown in the Landhi jail, I and my friends Nusrat Javeed, Mohammad Malick, Shakil Sheikh and a couple of others had confronted Jam Sadiq and forced him to allow us to visit him in the jail. That was the first move in his political comeback. Then I wrote a series of seven articles in which I had questioned Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Jam Sadiq. When in 1993 Benazir and Zardari again came to power, he offered me political jobs and only one journalist, Azhar Sohail, accepted his offer. Sadly he then paid for his life and his family’s ruination three years later.
Once again when Zardari was in power I wrote against his corruption in 1994-95 and then as well he had threatened me and others. I did what I had to do then and faced the consequences.
It was Zardari and Benazir Bhutto who became very friendly to me during their days of wilderness in the Nawaz Sharif/Musharraf eras. In his years in New York, Zardari was particularly friendly and even attended my son’s wedding in Washington. He should be ashamed of now pointing accusing fingers at me for holding a US passport. Can’t he come up with anything better to accuse me? What he was doing in US himself during all those years is also known to people who were in the knowledge. My fault is that I again refused his offer to join his government in 2008 although it is totally wrong that I was ever offered to become Pakistan Ambassador in Canada. Neither had I ever asked him for a political or diplomatic job.
I am totally satisfied that even despite such anger and frustration that the president has expressed against me publicly, without any reason, he has not been able to point any single small or big finger of accusation against me for misusing my professional position or getting any benefit from his or any other government. The charge of dubbing me and others as “political actors” is ridiculous and laughable because if this is all he can come up with, it is pathetic case against me with no legs to stand on. His speech was 90 per cent rhetoric, based on shallow looking claims of pursuing Bhuttoism and the rest 10 per cent was attacks on me, Geo TV and Dr Shahid Masood.
If his corruption, amassed wealth and grabbed lands are questioned, it is pure and simple journalism in the interest of the people and the country and no one can deny us that right. He says he will not listen to any criticism except from his political rivals. What a lame statement is that. Where does he place the others pillars of state, the judiciary, the media, the civil society, the ‘ghairat’ and ‘izzat’ brigades? His political colleagues are easy for him to handle because many of them are in the same boat of looted wealth and plundered resources. But he will have to listen to all of us and hiding in a bunker while claiming to be a brave man, will not wash away his sins or wish us away from the scene.
The real issue is that since the previous government I and my colleagues in the Jang group have been highlighting important issues concerning the constitution, governance, independence of judiciary, rampant corruption and ever-increasing prices. These issues have made miserable the life of common man in Pakistan. Neither the previous government nor the present government could tolerate the Jang Groups’ decision to highlight those issues that affect the lives of ordinary people.
WASHINGTON: When an elected head of the state, who is also the head of the largest political party of the country, the Supreme Commander of the country’s armed forces and (at least on papers) the man with his finger on the country’s nuclear button, cannot venture out of his bunker in the presidency, a five-star prison of sorts, and attacks a TV channel, a newspaper editor or a talk show anchor, he must be seriously in trouble or scared to death with insecurity.
It was a great day in my professional career to get so much attention on live TV, nationally and throughout the world, with the country’s president talking about me (why did you not name me) in a furiously threatening tone, foaming and frothing as if he would shoot me if I had been somewhere close to him at the time. I have just landed in Washington to spend a few days with my family on Eid ul Azha and the first thing I hear on TV is my head of state calling me names. It was a unique welcome to the festival of sacrifices.
I heard Asif Ali Zardari’s speech, his first major political address in months, which dealt with no other burning issue of the country, many times wanting to find out what message he had for the country, other than saying that he was a brave man, he was ready to offer sacrifices and he would not be coweddown and would prefer to leave in an ambulance rather than walk out of the presidency under duress. The more I heard his rants, the more loudly I laughed, again and again.
Here is the strongest man in the country so rattled by a few reports and articles by me, or a few talk shows by Dr Shahid Masood, that he forgets to mention anything about the infamous NRO, the shame of the Kerry Lugar Bill, the gross charges of corruption, money laundering or misuse of power against him and his cronies. He did not mention the issues of sugar, atta, electricity and unemployment. He did not praise the soldiers and people fighting the deadly terrorists. He and his few people now sharing power were only worried about their own fate, with the loud spoken Zulfikar Mirza declaring to the world that he would use the Sindh Card, if worse comes to worst.
Zardari referred to me by frequently mentioning someone with “an American passport”. He also said I was not a Pakistani national. He has to get his facts right. But carrying an American passport is not something he would like to turn into a disqualification as bulk of his own cronies are exiles who have acquired foreign passports, including US passports, and they would be the ones to jump the ship first. I am a Pakistani and work in Pakistan and will continue to do so.
His biggest accusation against me was that I wanted him “to leave the presidency in an ambulance”. I think he knows better as he has been telling many who meet him in his bunker that he would not quit and people will have to take him out. This is what he reiterated in his speech on Wednesday night.
But he is wrong on this count as well. I had only quoted his own words on Nov 4 in my column: “The contours of a changed, unwritten script” in these words: “This assessment will purely be an analysis and conclusions drawn up by a journalist....So my analysis is that he will fight back. Some who still have access to him claim that he has expressed these defiant views many a time saying he would never resign and if someone wanted to remove him, he should send an ambulance because he would not walk out on his own two feet.” This is where ambulance was used. In his speech he confirmed what I had written that he would not go away.
In the same article, my opinion was: “All stakeholders agree, and this I can claim after meeting almost all of them in the last few days in Islamabad and Lahore, that President Asif Ali Zardari will have to either step down with dignity, hand over his presidential powers to the PM through a fast-track constitutional amendments process, or become a figurehead and stay within his bunker for as long as he does not create any nuisance.” I was seeing him as a figurehead as long as he behaves. This does not mean his murder, though it could mean a political suicide.
His party leaders have also been objecting to my use of the word ‘martyr’ for Zardari and one Minister, Dr Babar Awan, had the temerity to ask me in a TV show to name the people who would kill Zardari, as if I had been plotting his murder or martyrdom with these people. There has to be a limit to sycophancy and toadyism.
My words in my Nov 7 article were: “Zardari will have to make his decision very quickly on whether he wants to exit with dignity or become a martyr. The days, as they say, are in fact numbered.” It is clear for anyone who understands English what is meant here is a ‘political martyr’ and not dead in the physical sense. If someone cannot understand the language, a very handy Prof Husain Haqqani can help any time.
Other than these references in Zardari’s speech about me, what I can guess is that he is rattled because I have been criticising his style of governance, his failures in taking successful political decisions, his U-Turns at every critical time, his arrogance and stubbornness and lately his indecent manner of speech with his own prime minister.
Neither the president nor the PM have denied any of the contents of my article about Zardari using insulting words against Gilani. In fact, my sources say, when PM Gilani was asked about my article and whether there was a tiff between him and the president, Gilani’s very diplomatic reply was: “I am not angry with the president.” He decided not to comment on what he had heard from Zardari and in what tone.
It is the right of every writer and journalist to criticise the rulers on their policies, their decisions and their actions. This is exactly what I have been doing during my 42-year-long career. I have criticised every ruler, without fear or favour and whenever the political rulers were out of office and struggling to come back, I happened to be one of their most favorite journalists and had even developed personal friendships with them. This is also true in the case of Zardari.
When he was arrested in 1990 by Jam Sadiq Ali and thrown in the Landhi jail, I and my friends Nusrat Javeed, Mohammad Malick, Shakil Sheikh and a couple of others had confronted Jam Sadiq and forced him to allow us to visit him in the jail. That was the first move in his political comeback. Then I wrote a series of seven articles in which I had questioned Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Jam Sadiq. When in 1993 Benazir and Zardari again came to power, he offered me political jobs and only one journalist, Azhar Sohail, accepted his offer. Sadly he then paid for his life and his family’s ruination three years later.
Once again when Zardari was in power I wrote against his corruption in 1994-95 and then as well he had threatened me and others. I did what I had to do then and faced the consequences.
It was Zardari and Benazir Bhutto who became very friendly to me during their days of wilderness in the Nawaz Sharif/Musharraf eras. In his years in New York, Zardari was particularly friendly and even attended my son’s wedding in Washington. He should be ashamed of now pointing accusing fingers at me for holding a US passport. Can’t he come up with anything better to accuse me? What he was doing in US himself during all those years is also known to people who were in the knowledge. My fault is that I again refused his offer to join his government in 2008 although it is totally wrong that I was ever offered to become Pakistan Ambassador in Canada. Neither had I ever asked him for a political or diplomatic job.
I am totally satisfied that even despite such anger and frustration that the president has expressed against me publicly, without any reason, he has not been able to point any single small or big finger of accusation against me for misusing my professional position or getting any benefit from his or any other government. The charge of dubbing me and others as “political actors” is ridiculous and laughable because if this is all he can come up with, it is pathetic case against me with no legs to stand on. His speech was 90 per cent rhetoric, based on shallow looking claims of pursuing Bhuttoism and the rest 10 per cent was attacks on me, Geo TV and Dr Shahid Masood.
If his corruption, amassed wealth and grabbed lands are questioned, it is pure and simple journalism in the interest of the people and the country and no one can deny us that right. He says he will not listen to any criticism except from his political rivals. What a lame statement is that. Where does he place the others pillars of state, the judiciary, the media, the civil society, the ‘ghairat’ and ‘izzat’ brigades? His political colleagues are easy for him to handle because many of them are in the same boat of looted wealth and plundered resources. But he will have to listen to all of us and hiding in a bunker while claiming to be a brave man, will not wash away his sins or wish us away from the scene.
The real issue is that since the previous government I and my colleagues in the Jang group have been highlighting important issues concerning the constitution, governance, independence of judiciary, rampant corruption and ever-increasing prices. These issues have made miserable the life of common man in Pakistan. Neither the previous government nor the present government could tolerate the Jang Groups’ decision to highlight those issues that affect the lives of ordinary people.
Court issues arrest warrant for Bhutta
Additional Sessions Judge, Islamabad, Muhammad Tanvir Mir, has issued an arrest warrant for Muhammad Shoaib Bhutta, publisher of a daily in Islamabad.
The judge summoned him on December 4 to ensure his presence in the court. The court issued an arrest warrant for Bhutta on the complaint of Abdul Aziz Mohmand, resident editor the Jang, The News and Geo editorial management, and on the basis of arguments and evidence presented before the court.
Abdul Aziz Mohmand in his application stated that in the best national interests, the Jang Group had played a leading role in the movement for an independent judiciary and rightly represented the masses. Besides, the Jang Group and Geo TV raised the issues of governance and corruption among the masses, due to which the group has to face serious challenges, he added.
He stated that the said person published defamatory, unfounded, false and baseless reports and financial charges in his newspaper against the Jang Group to damage its popularity and reputation among the masses.
The daily alleged that the head of the Jang Group editorial had sent a message to important personalities of the government that if they wanted end to one-sided campaign against them and personnel of the judiciary in the group newspapers, editorials and electronic media, they have to accept their demands. After the government refusal the group editorial head gave go-ahead to his workers and said that if the government is facing difficulties, then it should cut advertisements of other newspapers and electronic media to fulfil their shortage.
Abdul Aziz Mohmand maintained that the said publisher republished such baseless materials twice, and damaged the reputation of the group and tried to weaken its commitment.
The petitioner said that besides publishing baseless news against Geo TV, Daily Jang and The News the publisher Malik Shoaib Bhutta also printed posters and panaflex banners with logos of Geo TV, Jang and The News. The posters contained extremely contemptuous sentences against the Jang Group of Newspapers and Geo TV. When the workers of the Jang and well-wisher readers removed those banners and posters after the city administration failed to do so despite repeated complaints, the said publisher reported the next day, “the Jang Group could not tolerate few banners and posters against it”.
The same person also levelled baseless allegations against Jang Group during a talkshow on official TV channel. The petitioner requested the police to register an FIR against the accused, but the police neither responded positively nor registered an FIR.
Abdul Aziz Mohmand pleaded in his petition that this act was crime under section 499, 5000, 501, 502 and 502A of the Pakistan Penal Code. Additional Sessions Judge Muhammad Tanvir Mir accepted the petition for regular hearing on the basis of arguments and evidences and said it seemed that Mohammad Shoaib Bhutta had intentionally committed defamation, hence his arrest warrant were being issued. The court adjourned the hearing till December 4, 2009 and ordered to appear before the court.
The judge summoned him on December 4 to ensure his presence in the court. The court issued an arrest warrant for Bhutta on the complaint of Abdul Aziz Mohmand, resident editor the Jang, The News and Geo editorial management, and on the basis of arguments and evidence presented before the court.
Abdul Aziz Mohmand in his application stated that in the best national interests, the Jang Group had played a leading role in the movement for an independent judiciary and rightly represented the masses. Besides, the Jang Group and Geo TV raised the issues of governance and corruption among the masses, due to which the group has to face serious challenges, he added.
He stated that the said person published defamatory, unfounded, false and baseless reports and financial charges in his newspaper against the Jang Group to damage its popularity and reputation among the masses.
The daily alleged that the head of the Jang Group editorial had sent a message to important personalities of the government that if they wanted end to one-sided campaign against them and personnel of the judiciary in the group newspapers, editorials and electronic media, they have to accept their demands. After the government refusal the group editorial head gave go-ahead to his workers and said that if the government is facing difficulties, then it should cut advertisements of other newspapers and electronic media to fulfil their shortage.
Abdul Aziz Mohmand maintained that the said publisher republished such baseless materials twice, and damaged the reputation of the group and tried to weaken its commitment.
The petitioner said that besides publishing baseless news against Geo TV, Daily Jang and The News the publisher Malik Shoaib Bhutta also printed posters and panaflex banners with logos of Geo TV, Jang and The News. The posters contained extremely contemptuous sentences against the Jang Group of Newspapers and Geo TV. When the workers of the Jang and well-wisher readers removed those banners and posters after the city administration failed to do so despite repeated complaints, the said publisher reported the next day, “the Jang Group could not tolerate few banners and posters against it”.
The same person also levelled baseless allegations against Jang Group during a talkshow on official TV channel. The petitioner requested the police to register an FIR against the accused, but the police neither responded positively nor registered an FIR.
Abdul Aziz Mohmand pleaded in his petition that this act was crime under section 499, 5000, 501, 502 and 502A of the Pakistan Penal Code. Additional Sessions Judge Muhammad Tanvir Mir accepted the petition for regular hearing on the basis of arguments and evidences and said it seemed that Mohammad Shoaib Bhutta had intentionally committed defamation, hence his arrest warrant were being issued. The court adjourned the hearing till December 4, 2009 and ordered to appear before the court.
Loot sale of sugar mills continues unhindered
By Ansar Abbasi
ISLAMABAD: After an unsigned note led to the unhindered “loot sale” of Dadu Sugar Mills for just Rs90 million as against the previous offer of Rs400 million, efforts are now under way to dispose of Thatta Sugar Mills for peanuts.
Like Dadu Sugar Mills, the previous bidders in case of Thatta Sugar Mills had offered Rs235 million in November 2008 but now another singular bid of Rs80 million received by the Official Assignee is being considered for approval.
Secretary Industries Sindh Ali Ahmad Lund when contacted though said that Dadu Sugar Mills was sold last year before his appointment as secretary industries. In the case of Thatta Sugar Mills he argued that he had moved the summary for the chief minister giving all the facts. “Now it is up to the chief minister to approve its sale for Rs80 million or reject it,” he said, adding that the Sindh High Court had liquidated Dadu Sugar Mills and is also involved in the liquidation process of Thatta Sugar Mills. He, however, said that it is the government, which recommends the liquidation to the High Court.
The sad fate of Sindh Sugar Corporation’s two sugar mills in Dadu and Thatta bear testimony to the claim that the like the state-owned land, the state owned assets too are being sold at throw away prices.
The PPP’s visionary chairman, Shaheeed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, founded the Sindh Sugar Corporation to open up the rural Sindh to industrialisation bringing employment to its poor inhabitants. In 1976, Sindh Sugar Corporation was provided a capital of Rs625 million to install two sugar mills in Dadu and Thatta. The Sindh province contributed Rs367 million while the French credit amounted to Rs259 million. The total cost on these plants was Rs329m on Thatta Sugar Mills and Rs297m on Dadu Sugar Mills. The government of Sindh also provided 276 acres and 146 acres for these mills respectively.
These plants, like many others set up with foreign loans, also ran into tremendous losses and by the year 1999, the losses rose to billions. The assessment made in 1999 had put the assets of Dadu Sugar Mills at Rs627 million and those of Thatta Sugar Mills at Rs716 million. The liabilities of these mills had reached more than Rs3.0 billion of which around Rs2.0 billion, which were provided by the Sindh government, were written off.
Sources said that other creditors also renegotiated and the overall liability was reduced to Rs620 million, while the assets were estimated at Rs1.343 billion. The Sindh government decided to dispose of these mills to recover whatever it could from its sunken investment.
In 2002, the Sindh Privatisation Commission began efforts to dispose of these two mills. The reserve prices of Rs465 million and Rs408 million were fixed for Dadu Sugar Mills and Thatta Sugar Mills respectively. The Privatisation Commission could not get more than Rs156 million and Rs50 million respectively in bids for these mills.
In 2005, the Sindh cabinet expressing its dissatisfaction over the progress made by the Privatisation Commission, decided that, in view of the experience of the Official Assignee of the Sindh High Court in disposing of sick/defaulting industrial units, these units should also be got auctioned by that office through liquidation process.
The Official Assignee initiated the process in 2007, and fixed Rs350 million as reserve price for Dadu Sugar Mills and Rs230 million for Thatta Sugar Mills. The highest bid of Rs250 million was received for Dadu Sugar Mills and Rs100 million for Thatta Sugar Mills. The provincial government declined these offers.
The process was repeated by the Official Assignee and this time the bid for Dadu Sugar Mills went as high as Rs400 million which was hotly contested by three other bidders with offers of Rs390m, Rs385m and Rs370 million. The bid for Thatta Sugar Mills also went up to Rs175 million followed by three other bidders at Rs147m, Rs140m and Rs130m.
The parties, which participated in these bids, were M/s Shahjehan Cotton Factory (the highest bidder for Dadu Sugar Mills), M/s Adil Enterprises, M/s Kohsar Enterprises, M/s Unique Trading Co. and M/s Sooraj Enterprises (the highest bidder for Thatta Sugar Mills). The matter was under consideration of the provincial government when it was time for new elections.
Come the PPP government in Sindh and a strange note from a top government functionary changed the entire scenario. The sources said that the note initiated by some anonymous writer had such a mysterious affect that Dadu Sugar Mills ended up in the hands of M/s Naudero Sugar Mills (which had never participated in earlier bids) for a paltry sum of Rs90 million.
The note, which was neither named nor signed by its writer, and which worked as a command or directive from the top government functionary, desired that the Sindh cabinet should urgently address the issue of privatisation of Dadu Sugar Mills (Assets Only) on fast rack basis. It also mentioned terms for its disposal.
The top government functionary marked this anonymous note to Secretary Industries on April 27, 2008 directing him to put up relevant papers immediately. Official Assignee invited fresh bid on May 11, 2008 and by July 4, 2008, Dadu Sugar Mills was handed over to the new bidder.
So, what took the previous Sindh governments and the cabinets almost 10 years to ponder over the prices, which went up from Rs156 million in 2002 to Rs400 million in 2007 for Dadu Sugar Mills, with five active parties pursuing the bidding process, was disposed of in just two and a half months for a paltry sum of Rs90 million.
This time, surprisingly, all the previous bidders who followed the process for so many years were made to vanish, their previous bids ignored and a new player’s singular bid of less than 25% of the last highest bid was accepted without any reservation. Unlike the previous governments, the Official Assignee was not requested to hold another bidding or to negotiate with the previous bidders. The complacent provincial government was happy with the bid of Rs90 million for an asset valued at Rs627 million and for which a bid of Rs400 million had been received only a year ago. The retired official of the Industries Department, who handled this case for his political masters, Mr. Murli Manohar, has been rewarded and reemployed as consultant.
The most worrisome news is that after the unhindered loot sale of Dadu Sugar Mills, efforts are now under way to dispose of Thatta Sugar Mills. Again, the previous bidders have been made to escape, who had bid up to Rs235 million (M/s Sooraj Enterprises during this government in November 2008) and another singular bid of Rs80 million received by the Official Assignee (M/s Kohsar Enterprises in October 2009) is being considered for approval.
“Let us hope some body stops them this time,” an official source involved in the process but feeling extremely perturbed said, wondering, “Will the Sindh cabinet or Sindh Assembly wake up, stop loot sale of Thatta Sugar Mills and retrieve Dadu Sugar Mills?” Judging from their past track record, he said, perhaps they won’t. “It would again be the judiciary which will have to come to our rescue,” the official source said.
ISLAMABAD: After an unsigned note led to the unhindered “loot sale” of Dadu Sugar Mills for just Rs90 million as against the previous offer of Rs400 million, efforts are now under way to dispose of Thatta Sugar Mills for peanuts.
Like Dadu Sugar Mills, the previous bidders in case of Thatta Sugar Mills had offered Rs235 million in November 2008 but now another singular bid of Rs80 million received by the Official Assignee is being considered for approval.
Secretary Industries Sindh Ali Ahmad Lund when contacted though said that Dadu Sugar Mills was sold last year before his appointment as secretary industries. In the case of Thatta Sugar Mills he argued that he had moved the summary for the chief minister giving all the facts. “Now it is up to the chief minister to approve its sale for Rs80 million or reject it,” he said, adding that the Sindh High Court had liquidated Dadu Sugar Mills and is also involved in the liquidation process of Thatta Sugar Mills. He, however, said that it is the government, which recommends the liquidation to the High Court.
The sad fate of Sindh Sugar Corporation’s two sugar mills in Dadu and Thatta bear testimony to the claim that the like the state-owned land, the state owned assets too are being sold at throw away prices.
The PPP’s visionary chairman, Shaheeed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, founded the Sindh Sugar Corporation to open up the rural Sindh to industrialisation bringing employment to its poor inhabitants. In 1976, Sindh Sugar Corporation was provided a capital of Rs625 million to install two sugar mills in Dadu and Thatta. The Sindh province contributed Rs367 million while the French credit amounted to Rs259 million. The total cost on these plants was Rs329m on Thatta Sugar Mills and Rs297m on Dadu Sugar Mills. The government of Sindh also provided 276 acres and 146 acres for these mills respectively.
These plants, like many others set up with foreign loans, also ran into tremendous losses and by the year 1999, the losses rose to billions. The assessment made in 1999 had put the assets of Dadu Sugar Mills at Rs627 million and those of Thatta Sugar Mills at Rs716 million. The liabilities of these mills had reached more than Rs3.0 billion of which around Rs2.0 billion, which were provided by the Sindh government, were written off.
Sources said that other creditors also renegotiated and the overall liability was reduced to Rs620 million, while the assets were estimated at Rs1.343 billion. The Sindh government decided to dispose of these mills to recover whatever it could from its sunken investment.
In 2002, the Sindh Privatisation Commission began efforts to dispose of these two mills. The reserve prices of Rs465 million and Rs408 million were fixed for Dadu Sugar Mills and Thatta Sugar Mills respectively. The Privatisation Commission could not get more than Rs156 million and Rs50 million respectively in bids for these mills.
In 2005, the Sindh cabinet expressing its dissatisfaction over the progress made by the Privatisation Commission, decided that, in view of the experience of the Official Assignee of the Sindh High Court in disposing of sick/defaulting industrial units, these units should also be got auctioned by that office through liquidation process.
The Official Assignee initiated the process in 2007, and fixed Rs350 million as reserve price for Dadu Sugar Mills and Rs230 million for Thatta Sugar Mills. The highest bid of Rs250 million was received for Dadu Sugar Mills and Rs100 million for Thatta Sugar Mills. The provincial government declined these offers.
The process was repeated by the Official Assignee and this time the bid for Dadu Sugar Mills went as high as Rs400 million which was hotly contested by three other bidders with offers of Rs390m, Rs385m and Rs370 million. The bid for Thatta Sugar Mills also went up to Rs175 million followed by three other bidders at Rs147m, Rs140m and Rs130m.
The parties, which participated in these bids, were M/s Shahjehan Cotton Factory (the highest bidder for Dadu Sugar Mills), M/s Adil Enterprises, M/s Kohsar Enterprises, M/s Unique Trading Co. and M/s Sooraj Enterprises (the highest bidder for Thatta Sugar Mills). The matter was under consideration of the provincial government when it was time for new elections.
Come the PPP government in Sindh and a strange note from a top government functionary changed the entire scenario. The sources said that the note initiated by some anonymous writer had such a mysterious affect that Dadu Sugar Mills ended up in the hands of M/s Naudero Sugar Mills (which had never participated in earlier bids) for a paltry sum of Rs90 million.
The note, which was neither named nor signed by its writer, and which worked as a command or directive from the top government functionary, desired that the Sindh cabinet should urgently address the issue of privatisation of Dadu Sugar Mills (Assets Only) on fast rack basis. It also mentioned terms for its disposal.
The top government functionary marked this anonymous note to Secretary Industries on April 27, 2008 directing him to put up relevant papers immediately. Official Assignee invited fresh bid on May 11, 2008 and by July 4, 2008, Dadu Sugar Mills was handed over to the new bidder.
So, what took the previous Sindh governments and the cabinets almost 10 years to ponder over the prices, which went up from Rs156 million in 2002 to Rs400 million in 2007 for Dadu Sugar Mills, with five active parties pursuing the bidding process, was disposed of in just two and a half months for a paltry sum of Rs90 million.
This time, surprisingly, all the previous bidders who followed the process for so many years were made to vanish, their previous bids ignored and a new player’s singular bid of less than 25% of the last highest bid was accepted without any reservation. Unlike the previous governments, the Official Assignee was not requested to hold another bidding or to negotiate with the previous bidders. The complacent provincial government was happy with the bid of Rs90 million for an asset valued at Rs627 million and for which a bid of Rs400 million had been received only a year ago. The retired official of the Industries Department, who handled this case for his political masters, Mr. Murli Manohar, has been rewarded and reemployed as consultant.
The most worrisome news is that after the unhindered loot sale of Dadu Sugar Mills, efforts are now under way to dispose of Thatta Sugar Mills. Again, the previous bidders have been made to escape, who had bid up to Rs235 million (M/s Sooraj Enterprises during this government in November 2008) and another singular bid of Rs80 million received by the Official Assignee (M/s Kohsar Enterprises in October 2009) is being considered for approval.
“Let us hope some body stops them this time,” an official source involved in the process but feeling extremely perturbed said, wondering, “Will the Sindh cabinet or Sindh Assembly wake up, stop loot sale of Thatta Sugar Mills and retrieve Dadu Sugar Mills?” Judging from their past track record, he said, perhaps they won’t. “It would again be the judiciary which will have to come to our rescue,” the official source said.
A Bhutto walks away with lucrative $20m deal
By Rauf Klasra
ISLAMABAD: A first cousin of late Benazir Bhutto - Mehfooz Mustafa Bhutto - has emerged as a central figure in a brewing controversy surrounding the highly questionable contract of $20 million by the Oil & Gas Development Company Limited (OGDC). Mehfooz is the marketing director of the lucky USA-based firm M/s Valerus. Mehfooz Mustafa, reportedly, also shuttled recently between the US and Pakistan to secure this lucrative contract for his Houston-based company.
According to details, the OGDC awarded the contract to Valerus without floating open tenders. The tender was not even posted on the OGDC website and in a classic manner to favour its favourites, the OGDC management allegedly only invited hand-picked pre-selected firms as a formality.
Investigations carried out by The News revealed the OGDC had awarded the contract to Valerus for supply of compressors for the Qadirpur gas field as gas compression was required to stop the field from early depletion. Sources said the contract was given at the time when President Zardari’s close friend, Dr Asim was adviser on petroleum and the de facto federal petroleum minister.
The Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA) rules prohibit any public sector company to procure any material for any use without floating press tenders and also any tender valued over Rs2 million must be published in the national dailies to ensure transparency and fair play for all the stakeholders. The PPRA is responsible for prescribing regulations and procedures for public procurement.
Talking to The News, former adviser on petroleum Dr Asim Hussain said from Dubai that he had “heard” that the multi-million dollar contract was awarded to a USA-based company. He said he had also “heard” from officials about the cousin of late Benazir Bhutto working in the same US company, but he hastened to add he never met him one-on-one. “It is possible that Mustafa Bhutto might have met me with a large delegation of his company at Islamabad but I don’t remember meeting him one-on-one,” Dr Asim said.
However, Asim said this contract had nothing to do with him nor was he involved in any wrongdoings as far as this contract was concerned.
Basharat Mirza, General-Manager Projects, OGDC, confirmed to The News it was true that the multi-million dollar tender for the compressors was not invited through the press or the official website of the department. Mirza also confirmed it was true that this was the same US company which was given contract where the first cousin of late Benazir Bhutto — Mehfooz Mustafa — was working. To a question, he denied any wrongdoings in the whole process of award of the contract, as he claimed on paper everything was done correctly and since he took charge he did not see any irregularity in the award of the contract. He said the pre-qualified parties were invited to take part in the bidding and the lowest bidding firm was given the contract.
Meanwhile, this correspondent sent an email to Mehfooz Mustafa and his bosses last week, asking both the gentlemen to offer their replies to the attached questionnaire. Both gentlemen have opted not to respond. After a two-day wait, this correspondent repeated the email and waited for another three days before filing this story.
The following questions were forwarded to Mr Mustafa and his boss: 1) Please confirm that the OGDC awarded a contract to your company for $20 million for supply of compression equipment for the Qadirpur gas field. 2) Are you aware that there were no press tenders issued by the OGDC for the contract ultimately awarded to your company? 3) Mehfooz, is this true that you are the first cousin of late Benazir Bhutto and Director International Business Development of Valerus? 4) Please confirm that you are assigned to visit the OGDC for business promotion purposes and you visited Zahid Hussain, MD OGDC on several occasions. 5) Can you confirm that your company paid commission in favour of your local agent through their account outside Pakistan and 6) can you comment that your company is in this business for less than five years.
That Mehfooz and his company have opted to maintain silence over these straightforward questions, speaks volumes about the transparency of this multi-million dollar deal!
ISLAMABAD: A first cousin of late Benazir Bhutto - Mehfooz Mustafa Bhutto - has emerged as a central figure in a brewing controversy surrounding the highly questionable contract of $20 million by the Oil & Gas Development Company Limited (OGDC). Mehfooz is the marketing director of the lucky USA-based firm M/s Valerus. Mehfooz Mustafa, reportedly, also shuttled recently between the US and Pakistan to secure this lucrative contract for his Houston-based company.
According to details, the OGDC awarded the contract to Valerus without floating open tenders. The tender was not even posted on the OGDC website and in a classic manner to favour its favourites, the OGDC management allegedly only invited hand-picked pre-selected firms as a formality.
Investigations carried out by The News revealed the OGDC had awarded the contract to Valerus for supply of compressors for the Qadirpur gas field as gas compression was required to stop the field from early depletion. Sources said the contract was given at the time when President Zardari’s close friend, Dr Asim was adviser on petroleum and the de facto federal petroleum minister.
The Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA) rules prohibit any public sector company to procure any material for any use without floating press tenders and also any tender valued over Rs2 million must be published in the national dailies to ensure transparency and fair play for all the stakeholders. The PPRA is responsible for prescribing regulations and procedures for public procurement.
Talking to The News, former adviser on petroleum Dr Asim Hussain said from Dubai that he had “heard” that the multi-million dollar contract was awarded to a USA-based company. He said he had also “heard” from officials about the cousin of late Benazir Bhutto working in the same US company, but he hastened to add he never met him one-on-one. “It is possible that Mustafa Bhutto might have met me with a large delegation of his company at Islamabad but I don’t remember meeting him one-on-one,” Dr Asim said.
However, Asim said this contract had nothing to do with him nor was he involved in any wrongdoings as far as this contract was concerned.
Basharat Mirza, General-Manager Projects, OGDC, confirmed to The News it was true that the multi-million dollar tender for the compressors was not invited through the press or the official website of the department. Mirza also confirmed it was true that this was the same US company which was given contract where the first cousin of late Benazir Bhutto — Mehfooz Mustafa — was working. To a question, he denied any wrongdoings in the whole process of award of the contract, as he claimed on paper everything was done correctly and since he took charge he did not see any irregularity in the award of the contract. He said the pre-qualified parties were invited to take part in the bidding and the lowest bidding firm was given the contract.
Meanwhile, this correspondent sent an email to Mehfooz Mustafa and his bosses last week, asking both the gentlemen to offer their replies to the attached questionnaire. Both gentlemen have opted not to respond. After a two-day wait, this correspondent repeated the email and waited for another three days before filing this story.
The following questions were forwarded to Mr Mustafa and his boss: 1) Please confirm that the OGDC awarded a contract to your company for $20 million for supply of compression equipment for the Qadirpur gas field. 2) Are you aware that there were no press tenders issued by the OGDC for the contract ultimately awarded to your company? 3) Mehfooz, is this true that you are the first cousin of late Benazir Bhutto and Director International Business Development of Valerus? 4) Please confirm that you are assigned to visit the OGDC for business promotion purposes and you visited Zahid Hussain, MD OGDC on several occasions. 5) Can you confirm that your company paid commission in favour of your local agent through their account outside Pakistan and 6) can you comment that your company is in this business for less than five years.
That Mehfooz and his company have opted to maintain silence over these straightforward questions, speaks volumes about the transparency of this multi-million dollar deal!
Money spoke in Abdul Hameed Dogar’s court
By Umar Cheema
ISLAMABAD: The sensational disclosure by the owner of Haris Steel Mills (HSM) about how money changed hands in the heyday of Justice Dogar, has finally resolved the riddle: why were two senior NAB officials jailed for arresting the HSM’s accountant? It was this accountant who was released by the court in 2008 and only his re-arrest a month back made it possible to reach his owners and others and expose their comrades in black coats.
Two NAB officials - Muhammad Aslam and Col (retd) Tariq Ahmad - had to face humiliation in Dogar’s day when the bar and the bench had joined hands to bail out the fat cats of the HSM.
Sharifuddin Pirzada, Dr Babar Awan and Malik Qayyum have been accused by Sheikh Afzal, HSM owner, of robbing his company by charging millions as their own fee and for judges. These lawyers pushed their friend, Justice Dogar, to punish the NAB officers for apprehending the HSM’s accountant, Irfan Ali, whose arrest warrant were issued. The court had sent the NAB officers behind bars for arresting him in the court’s cafeteria and set the accused (Irfan Ali) free.
On July 24, 2008 these two NAB officers arrested HSM’s accountant after the hearing of the case in Dogar’s court. Although they did so by making sure that no restraining order was issued regarding arrest, they were taken to task under the excuse that Irfan had been arrested in the cafeteria, which was in the court premises. As the arrest was being made, Irfan rang Dr. Babar Awan to inform him about this, Col. (retd) Tariq confirmed to The News, also disclosing that they received a call from Dubai offering them Rs200 million for setting the accountant free but they could not be lured.
As they brought him to the NAB office, they found in his pocket a handwritten paper mentioning the amount of money paid to the lawyers on that day. The name of Pirzada was on top with a sum of Rs5 million and Sajjad with Rs2 million. Another amount of Rs2 million was mentioned against “Dr. + Mitthu”. Later NAB’s investigation discovered Dr. denoted Babar Awan and Malik Qayyum nicknamed as Mitthu. The paper later was incorporated in the record submitted to the court.
But how the money spoke that day was apparent from the court’s proceedings. Pirzada, Waseem Sajjad and Babar Awan went to Justice Dogar’s chamber apprising him of the arrest of Irfan, prompting him to recall the court that was adjourned before.
NAB’s officers were summoned within two hours along with Irfan and brought straight to the of the then attorney general, Malik Qayyum, who was also furious over the arrest. “You’ll see the consequence of what you’ve done,” he said addressing the NAB officers in the presence of the accountant. As they were escorted to the Dogar’s court, Babar Awan told the bench about the maltreatment his “worthy client” faced in the premises of the court. The collaborative efforts turned out to be a nightmare for the NAB officials who were sent to Adiyala Jail for a week for “contempt of court” and Irfan was set free.
It was totally a false case as Justice Khalil-ul-Rehman Ramday, during the proceeding of the case, wondered how the cafeteria could be given the status of the court.
As things changed after the restoration of the deposed judges and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry vigorously pursued the case, the NAB gathered courage and finally hunted down Irfan again who gave leads that made possible the arrest of big fish. Now, it was through the statement of Sheikh Afzal that the truth dawned before the court and the NAB officers were vindicated, though by default.
ISLAMABAD: The sensational disclosure by the owner of Haris Steel Mills (HSM) about how money changed hands in the heyday of Justice Dogar, has finally resolved the riddle: why were two senior NAB officials jailed for arresting the HSM’s accountant? It was this accountant who was released by the court in 2008 and only his re-arrest a month back made it possible to reach his owners and others and expose their comrades in black coats.
Two NAB officials - Muhammad Aslam and Col (retd) Tariq Ahmad - had to face humiliation in Dogar’s day when the bar and the bench had joined hands to bail out the fat cats of the HSM.
Sharifuddin Pirzada, Dr Babar Awan and Malik Qayyum have been accused by Sheikh Afzal, HSM owner, of robbing his company by charging millions as their own fee and for judges. These lawyers pushed their friend, Justice Dogar, to punish the NAB officers for apprehending the HSM’s accountant, Irfan Ali, whose arrest warrant were issued. The court had sent the NAB officers behind bars for arresting him in the court’s cafeteria and set the accused (Irfan Ali) free.
On July 24, 2008 these two NAB officers arrested HSM’s accountant after the hearing of the case in Dogar’s court. Although they did so by making sure that no restraining order was issued regarding arrest, they were taken to task under the excuse that Irfan had been arrested in the cafeteria, which was in the court premises. As the arrest was being made, Irfan rang Dr. Babar Awan to inform him about this, Col. (retd) Tariq confirmed to The News, also disclosing that they received a call from Dubai offering them Rs200 million for setting the accountant free but they could not be lured.
As they brought him to the NAB office, they found in his pocket a handwritten paper mentioning the amount of money paid to the lawyers on that day. The name of Pirzada was on top with a sum of Rs5 million and Sajjad with Rs2 million. Another amount of Rs2 million was mentioned against “Dr. + Mitthu”. Later NAB’s investigation discovered Dr. denoted Babar Awan and Malik Qayyum nicknamed as Mitthu. The paper later was incorporated in the record submitted to the court.
But how the money spoke that day was apparent from the court’s proceedings. Pirzada, Waseem Sajjad and Babar Awan went to Justice Dogar’s chamber apprising him of the arrest of Irfan, prompting him to recall the court that was adjourned before.
NAB’s officers were summoned within two hours along with Irfan and brought straight to the of the then attorney general, Malik Qayyum, who was also furious over the arrest. “You’ll see the consequence of what you’ve done,” he said addressing the NAB officers in the presence of the accountant. As they were escorted to the Dogar’s court, Babar Awan told the bench about the maltreatment his “worthy client” faced in the premises of the court. The collaborative efforts turned out to be a nightmare for the NAB officials who were sent to Adiyala Jail for a week for “contempt of court” and Irfan was set free.
It was totally a false case as Justice Khalil-ul-Rehman Ramday, during the proceeding of the case, wondered how the cafeteria could be given the status of the court.
As things changed after the restoration of the deposed judges and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry vigorously pursued the case, the NAB gathered courage and finally hunted down Irfan again who gave leads that made possible the arrest of big fish. Now, it was through the statement of Sheikh Afzal that the truth dawned before the court and the NAB officers were vindicated, though by default.
Dogar to Iftikhar Chaudhry: what a difference!
Sheikh Afzal, the main accused in the Rs9 billion financial scam at the Bank of Punjab (BoP), on Tuesday revealed before the bench of the Supreme Court that he paid Rs35 million to Parliamentary Affairs Minister Dr Babar Awan for winning the case in the apex court.
Sheikh Afzal, an absconder in the BoP scam, was recently arrested by the FIA from Malaysia along with his son Haris Afzal and was produced before a three-member bench of the apex court headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry.
The bench was hearing the Rs9 billion BoP scam. The BoP had granted a loan of Rs9 billion to the Haris Steel Mills (HSM), Lahore without fulfilling legal requirements and consequently the steel mills defaulted on the loan. The Bank of Punjab then filed a petition against the HSM.
Sheikh Afzal admitted to having given Rs5 million as fees to a senior advocate of the Supreme Court and minister for parliamentary affairs Dr Babar Awan besides giving him Rs35 million for assuring him to win the case.
It is pertinent to mention here that earlier former attorney general Sardar Latif Khosa was removed from his office after being charged with taking money for a favourable court verdict during the tenure of Justice (retd) Abdul Hameed Dogar.
The arrest of Sheikh Afzal became possible after the Supreme Court issued orders to the government to produce the accused in the court come what may. This is the biggest achievement of the judges led by Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry since their restoration following a popular movement. It perhaps never happened in this country that the accused of such a huge fraud was made to submit to law and agreed to pay the embezzled amount. This task was beyond imagination during the tenure of Abdul Hameed Dogar as chief justice when such people got away scot-free.
After the court hearing, Sheikh Afzal disclosed a list of top lawyers to the newsmen who extorted millions of rupees from him to clear his loan default cases from the courts.
He alleged that Dr Babar Awan took Rs40 million, Sharifuddin Pirzada Rs10 million, Malik Muhammad Qayyum, the then attorney general, Rs20 million and Ali Waseem, the son of Waseem Sajjad, Rs7.5 million.
Afzal said Dr Babar Awan took Rs5 million as fee and Rs35 million for getting a favourable verdict from the then Islamabad High Court.
In addition to these leading lawyers, Afzal said he had given Rs400-500 million to Hamesh Khan, former BoP president, Rs30 million to Aziz Ahmed, BoP Control Risk Manager, Rs50 million to Haroon Aziz, Rs10 million to Shoaib Qureshi, Rs40 million to Saleem Mirza, treasury head of the bank, Rs5 million to Fazil Asghar who helped him escape despite being on the Exit Control List (ECL).
Earlier, Shiekh Afzal tendered an apology to the court and submitted to surrender in the case by satisfying the Bank of Punjab in its claim against him.
He regretted over his loot and plunder but requested that his family members including his spouse and children should not be humiliated who were not involved in the fraud case.
He said his wife and 18-year-old son Hamza were also arrested from the Lahore airport. He confessed to getting Rs8 billion loan from the Bank of Punjab, adding 40 per cent was taken by his elder brother, Seth Yaqoob.
The court was informed that Sheikh Afzal had deposited $6 million to his son’s account in Dubai, besides depositing Rs2.5 billion to his wife’s account.
Sheikh Afzal’s son Haris Afzal, a BBA student, also told the court that he was ready to furnish all accounts and properties purchased on his name by his father.
During the course of the proceedings, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry asked Dr Danishwar Malik, prosecutor general of the NAB, if there was any criminal case against Haris Afzal, son of Sheikh Afzal. Dr Danishwar replied in negative at which the court observed that it was an injustice with the family members.
The court ordered the release of Haris Afzal, however, directed to put his name on the ECL besides surrendering his passport to the NAB. The court directed Haris Afzal to extend his maximum cooperation to the NAB in the investigation process.
The court also allowed protection to Seth Nisar, elder brother of Shiekh Afzal, who wanted to return to Pakistan and pay the money.
His counsel, Advocate Wasim Sajjad, submitted before the court that Seth Nisar, who was abroad, wanted to return to Pakistan and ready to pay the amount being claimed against him.
He further submitted that earlier the court was misguided that Seith Nisar, brother of Sheikh Afzal, Chief Executive Haris Steel Mills, and Sheikh Munir had flown out of the country on October 24 despite being on ECL since 2000.
“His name was removed from the ECL on April 15, 2009 and he had taken Rs400 million as debt from Sheikh Afzal,” Wasim Sajjad added, requesting the court to ensure protection to Seth Nisar.
The court accepted the request and directed Wasim Sajjad to produce Seth Nisar before the court on December 2 and adjourned the hearing.
The court directed the NAB not to harass any family member of Sheikh Afzal, but allowed to take the due action for recovery of the defaulted money. The court also directed the NAB to expedite efforts for extradition of Hamesh Khan, who is an absconder in the case and in the US.
The court praised the role played by officials of FIA, particularly Azam Khan, the FIA DG, and the Foreign Affairs Ministry in the arrest of Sheikh Afzal from Malaysia.
Khawaja Haris, counsel for Bank of Punjab (BoP), and AK Dogar, counsel for Seth Yaqoob, also appeared before the court.
Sheikh Afzal, an absconder in the BoP scam, was recently arrested by the FIA from Malaysia along with his son Haris Afzal and was produced before a three-member bench of the apex court headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry.
The bench was hearing the Rs9 billion BoP scam. The BoP had granted a loan of Rs9 billion to the Haris Steel Mills (HSM), Lahore without fulfilling legal requirements and consequently the steel mills defaulted on the loan. The Bank of Punjab then filed a petition against the HSM.
Sheikh Afzal admitted to having given Rs5 million as fees to a senior advocate of the Supreme Court and minister for parliamentary affairs Dr Babar Awan besides giving him Rs35 million for assuring him to win the case.
It is pertinent to mention here that earlier former attorney general Sardar Latif Khosa was removed from his office after being charged with taking money for a favourable court verdict during the tenure of Justice (retd) Abdul Hameed Dogar.
The arrest of Sheikh Afzal became possible after the Supreme Court issued orders to the government to produce the accused in the court come what may. This is the biggest achievement of the judges led by Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry since their restoration following a popular movement. It perhaps never happened in this country that the accused of such a huge fraud was made to submit to law and agreed to pay the embezzled amount. This task was beyond imagination during the tenure of Abdul Hameed Dogar as chief justice when such people got away scot-free.
After the court hearing, Sheikh Afzal disclosed a list of top lawyers to the newsmen who extorted millions of rupees from him to clear his loan default cases from the courts.
He alleged that Dr Babar Awan took Rs40 million, Sharifuddin Pirzada Rs10 million, Malik Muhammad Qayyum, the then attorney general, Rs20 million and Ali Waseem, the son of Waseem Sajjad, Rs7.5 million.
Afzal said Dr Babar Awan took Rs5 million as fee and Rs35 million for getting a favourable verdict from the then Islamabad High Court.
In addition to these leading lawyers, Afzal said he had given Rs400-500 million to Hamesh Khan, former BoP president, Rs30 million to Aziz Ahmed, BoP Control Risk Manager, Rs50 million to Haroon Aziz, Rs10 million to Shoaib Qureshi, Rs40 million to Saleem Mirza, treasury head of the bank, Rs5 million to Fazil Asghar who helped him escape despite being on the Exit Control List (ECL).
Earlier, Shiekh Afzal tendered an apology to the court and submitted to surrender in the case by satisfying the Bank of Punjab in its claim against him.
He regretted over his loot and plunder but requested that his family members including his spouse and children should not be humiliated who were not involved in the fraud case.
He said his wife and 18-year-old son Hamza were also arrested from the Lahore airport. He confessed to getting Rs8 billion loan from the Bank of Punjab, adding 40 per cent was taken by his elder brother, Seth Yaqoob.
The court was informed that Sheikh Afzal had deposited $6 million to his son’s account in Dubai, besides depositing Rs2.5 billion to his wife’s account.
Sheikh Afzal’s son Haris Afzal, a BBA student, also told the court that he was ready to furnish all accounts and properties purchased on his name by his father.
During the course of the proceedings, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry asked Dr Danishwar Malik, prosecutor general of the NAB, if there was any criminal case against Haris Afzal, son of Sheikh Afzal. Dr Danishwar replied in negative at which the court observed that it was an injustice with the family members.
The court ordered the release of Haris Afzal, however, directed to put his name on the ECL besides surrendering his passport to the NAB. The court directed Haris Afzal to extend his maximum cooperation to the NAB in the investigation process.
The court also allowed protection to Seth Nisar, elder brother of Shiekh Afzal, who wanted to return to Pakistan and pay the money.
His counsel, Advocate Wasim Sajjad, submitted before the court that Seth Nisar, who was abroad, wanted to return to Pakistan and ready to pay the amount being claimed against him.
He further submitted that earlier the court was misguided that Seith Nisar, brother of Sheikh Afzal, Chief Executive Haris Steel Mills, and Sheikh Munir had flown out of the country on October 24 despite being on ECL since 2000.
“His name was removed from the ECL on April 15, 2009 and he had taken Rs400 million as debt from Sheikh Afzal,” Wasim Sajjad added, requesting the court to ensure protection to Seth Nisar.
The court accepted the request and directed Wasim Sajjad to produce Seth Nisar before the court on December 2 and adjourned the hearing.
The court directed the NAB not to harass any family member of Sheikh Afzal, but allowed to take the due action for recovery of the defaulted money. The court also directed the NAB to expedite efforts for extradition of Hamesh Khan, who is an absconder in the case and in the US.
The court praised the role played by officials of FIA, particularly Azam Khan, the FIA DG, and the Foreign Affairs Ministry in the arrest of Sheikh Afzal from Malaysia.
Khawaja Haris, counsel for Bank of Punjab (BoP), and AK Dogar, counsel for Seth Yaqoob, also appeared before the court.
Zardari forces closure of ‘Meray Mutabiq’ in Dubai
Dr Shahid faces life threats; Geo programme to be telecast from another location; bar widely condemned
Under immense pressure from President Asif Ali Zardari on the Dubai government, ‘Meray Mutabiq’, the popular programme of Dr Shahid Masood on Geo TV, was banned from being telecast on Monday night from the Dubai studios of Geo TV.
Dr Masood presented his programme from a different location without the use of his studio and technical facilities and announced that he had been stopped by the local authorities from presenting his programme.
The popular talk show host also disclosed that he had received serious life threats from PPP leaders who had told him to come to Pakistan and conduct his programme from this country and then “we will see you”.
In an exact replay of the Musharraf era, the use of influence and pressure on a foreign government by the president of Pakistan is a direct attack on the freedom of the press in Pakistan, the Geo TV management said in a statement on Monday night.
It announced that the programme will still be telecast from a different location, as was done on Monday night.The management of Geo TV condemned the action of the Pakistani authorities to use the influence of a foreign government to deny freedom of expression and the Press.
Monday night’s programme of Dr Shahid Masood featured Group Editor of The News Shaheen Sehbai and Editor Investigations of The News Ansar Abbasi, who condemned the action, and with one voice declared that the action would not force Geo TV to succumb to government pressure.
Shaheen Sehbai expressed shock and regret and said the action showed that the PPP leaders had pushed the panic button in desperation otherwise there was no reason why they could not tolerate the voice of any journalist or any TV talk show host.
Sehbai said the action by the PPP rulers was a direct negation of democracy and freedom of speech and would be resisted by all democracy and freedom loving people in Pakistan and round the world. In today’s world of instant communications, Internet, U-Tube, SMS, emails, Twitter and private phone-videos, such a ban was nothing but sheer stupidity.
Journalist Ansar Abbasi said the journalists community had fought similar bans throughout their careers, specially under dictators, and they had always won and they will again win this time. But he said the regrettable part was that the curbs had been imposed by a government which called itself democratically elected.
Dr Shahid Masood in his statement revealed that he had been receiving threats to his life and the banning of his show in Dubai was a clear proof of the desperation and panic in the government. He, however, expressed his determination to continue speaking the truth and exposing the corruption and wrongdoings of the government, without fear.
Geo TV has always raised issues of public importance and had been in the vanguard of the movement for the restoration of the judges, against corruption of public money and for democracy and rule of law.
These issues had resulted in a similar ban imposed by the former dictator General Musharraf for three months after the imposition of the Nov 3 emergency but Geo TV and its journalists and TV hosts stood their ground and finally saw the dictator disappear into the dustbin of history.
The government action against Geo TV programme was immediately condemned by a wide spectrum of political leaders, media organisations and human rights bodies. Spokesman of the PML-N Ahsan Iqbal said it was an attack on the democratic freedom guaranteed under the Constitution and his party strongly condemned it. Chairman of the Pakistan Human Rights Commission Iqbal Haider called it a crude attack on all democratic norms and a violation of constitution which will be fought with full force.
Under immense pressure from President Asif Ali Zardari on the Dubai government, ‘Meray Mutabiq’, the popular programme of Dr Shahid Masood on Geo TV, was banned from being telecast on Monday night from the Dubai studios of Geo TV.
Dr Masood presented his programme from a different location without the use of his studio and technical facilities and announced that he had been stopped by the local authorities from presenting his programme.
The popular talk show host also disclosed that he had received serious life threats from PPP leaders who had told him to come to Pakistan and conduct his programme from this country and then “we will see you”.
In an exact replay of the Musharraf era, the use of influence and pressure on a foreign government by the president of Pakistan is a direct attack on the freedom of the press in Pakistan, the Geo TV management said in a statement on Monday night.
It announced that the programme will still be telecast from a different location, as was done on Monday night.The management of Geo TV condemned the action of the Pakistani authorities to use the influence of a foreign government to deny freedom of expression and the Press.
Monday night’s programme of Dr Shahid Masood featured Group Editor of The News Shaheen Sehbai and Editor Investigations of The News Ansar Abbasi, who condemned the action, and with one voice declared that the action would not force Geo TV to succumb to government pressure.
Shaheen Sehbai expressed shock and regret and said the action showed that the PPP leaders had pushed the panic button in desperation otherwise there was no reason why they could not tolerate the voice of any journalist or any TV talk show host.
Sehbai said the action by the PPP rulers was a direct negation of democracy and freedom of speech and would be resisted by all democracy and freedom loving people in Pakistan and round the world. In today’s world of instant communications, Internet, U-Tube, SMS, emails, Twitter and private phone-videos, such a ban was nothing but sheer stupidity.
Journalist Ansar Abbasi said the journalists community had fought similar bans throughout their careers, specially under dictators, and they had always won and they will again win this time. But he said the regrettable part was that the curbs had been imposed by a government which called itself democratically elected.
Dr Shahid Masood in his statement revealed that he had been receiving threats to his life and the banning of his show in Dubai was a clear proof of the desperation and panic in the government. He, however, expressed his determination to continue speaking the truth and exposing the corruption and wrongdoings of the government, without fear.
Geo TV has always raised issues of public importance and had been in the vanguard of the movement for the restoration of the judges, against corruption of public money and for democracy and rule of law.
These issues had resulted in a similar ban imposed by the former dictator General Musharraf for three months after the imposition of the Nov 3 emergency but Geo TV and its journalists and TV hosts stood their ground and finally saw the dictator disappear into the dustbin of history.
The government action against Geo TV programme was immediately condemned by a wide spectrum of political leaders, media organisations and human rights bodies. Spokesman of the PML-N Ahsan Iqbal said it was an attack on the democratic freedom guaranteed under the Constitution and his party strongly condemned it. Chairman of the Pakistan Human Rights Commission Iqbal Haider called it a crude attack on all democratic norms and a violation of constitution which will be fought with full force.
Pakistan Army clears contentious parts of Baloachistan Package
The Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani after getting some solid guarantees from the top military leadership of the country, is all set to announce an immediate ban on the construction of new military cantonments in Balochistan, general amnesty for the armed activists of the Balochistan Liberation Army(BLA) and talks offer to three rebel leaders-Herbiyar Murree, Baramdagh Bugti and Attaullah Khan Mengal, in his speech in the parliament today (Tuesday).
The sources said, the Chief of the Army Staff General Ashfaq Pervez Kiyani was said to have endorsed the new package after the Prime Minister Gilani sat down with him and ISI Chief General Shujja Pasha to discuss all the important points of this package concerning the role of military in Balochistan.
The sources said, the ban on construction of cantonment and release the missing Baloch persons was said to have been made part of the package after the clearance from the top military leadership.
The sources said, it has been decided by the government that the that military would not construct new cantonments in the province however the two old cantonments would stay functional. Likewise, it was decided that the heads of the Balochistan and Gawadar Authority would be from Balochistan and no outsider would be appointed there. The SAINDAK and RECODIK contracts might also be reviewed to give ownership to the local Baloch people, with Islamabad only dealing ‘on their behalf’ with foreign contractors.
The top government sources privy to this major development of Balochistan package claimed that as a part of the short term strategy PM Gilani would direct the concerned secret agencies, forces and department to ensure the immediate production of all the missing persons in the province. One source said, the missing persons were being produced and released to create a friendly environment for the start of talks with the rebel leaders, Harbiyar Murree, Barahdagh Bugti and Akthar Mengal, who have been championing the cause of an independent Balochistan.
One top source claimed that these top leaders were taken into confidence by the powers that be before giving a final shape to the Balochistan Package but it might take some time before they come to the negotiating table as these leaders are likely to adopt a wait and see approach before publicly reciprocating the package initiative.
Meanwhile, in a bid to take the friendly Muslim countries into confidence before tabling the “Rahe-i- Haqooq Balochistan” package, a top federal minister, with strong links within both the PM House and Presidency, was given the task to give a secret briefing to about 50 Afro-Arabs ambassadors at the residence of Egyptian ambassador. The briefing was given to take all the ambassadors on board to counter international conspiracies being hatched to destabilize Balochistan.
Meanwhile, inside sources said, the backdoor channels unleashed by President Asif Zardari had played an important role in bringing the Baloch rebel leaders back to the negotiating table. Mr. Zardari was said to have used his Sindhi and Baloch contacts to get Baloch rebel leaders to agree to a new package on Balochistan before start of meaningful talks in the long run. These sources claimed that the PPP government in Islamabad had quietly paid a considerable amount to help Herbiyar Murree to fight a terrorism case in UK and get himself acquitted. The sources said, the amount was paid as a part of Confidence Building Measures(CBM) as PPP government greatly helped him to get the cases against him settled in the British courts. Herbiyar Murree was arrested by British Authorities in December 2007 on the request of General Musharraf. Before the arrest of Herbiyar, his brother Balach Marri was targeted and killed less than a fortnight ago. General Musharraf was using Rashid Rauf as a bargaining chip to bring Herbiyar Marri to Pakistan. But, now Islamabad has apparently taken a reconciliatory approach to soften the Baloch leader and this move may just pay dividends as PM goes to announce the new package.
Likewise, sources said, during the backdoor negotiation with Baramdagh Bugti, the PPP government had also agreed to offer him some concessions. Baramdagh was said to have asked the official negotiators to first give him a new green passport as his old one had expired.
The sources said, the establishment forces too had been in touch with Sardar Akthar Mengal on the issue of new initiatives as the Baloch leaders knew that political commitments with them would not work unless the establishment forces gave them firm assurances. The sources said, the Baloch leaders were now taking these initiatives seriously. The sources said, the abolition of cases against Akthar Mengal and his colleagues on terrorism charges during Musharraf regime had played a major role in convincing these leaders in showing flexibility and resuming a dialogue with the government.
The joint session of the parliament would continue even after the Eid so that the house could debate the new package before its approval. It was decided that a parliamentary committee would be formed to monitor the progress on this package after getting the full nod of the parliament as all these arrangements would be given a legal shape so as the Baloch rebel leadership could not find any excuse on the basis of trust deficit.
The sources said, earlier a four and half hours long meeting was presided over by the PM Gilani on Monday to give a final shape to the new package and his speech to be delivered in the joint sitting on Tuesday. The meeting was attended by Khurshid Shah, Qamar Zaman Kaira, Dr Babar Awan, Raza Rabbani, Naveed Qamar and others.
The sources said, the Chief of the Army Staff General Ashfaq Pervez Kiyani was said to have endorsed the new package after the Prime Minister Gilani sat down with him and ISI Chief General Shujja Pasha to discuss all the important points of this package concerning the role of military in Balochistan.
The sources said, the ban on construction of cantonment and release the missing Baloch persons was said to have been made part of the package after the clearance from the top military leadership.
The sources said, it has been decided by the government that the that military would not construct new cantonments in the province however the two old cantonments would stay functional. Likewise, it was decided that the heads of the Balochistan and Gawadar Authority would be from Balochistan and no outsider would be appointed there. The SAINDAK and RECODIK contracts might also be reviewed to give ownership to the local Baloch people, with Islamabad only dealing ‘on their behalf’ with foreign contractors.
The top government sources privy to this major development of Balochistan package claimed that as a part of the short term strategy PM Gilani would direct the concerned secret agencies, forces and department to ensure the immediate production of all the missing persons in the province. One source said, the missing persons were being produced and released to create a friendly environment for the start of talks with the rebel leaders, Harbiyar Murree, Barahdagh Bugti and Akthar Mengal, who have been championing the cause of an independent Balochistan.
One top source claimed that these top leaders were taken into confidence by the powers that be before giving a final shape to the Balochistan Package but it might take some time before they come to the negotiating table as these leaders are likely to adopt a wait and see approach before publicly reciprocating the package initiative.
Meanwhile, in a bid to take the friendly Muslim countries into confidence before tabling the “Rahe-i- Haqooq Balochistan” package, a top federal minister, with strong links within both the PM House and Presidency, was given the task to give a secret briefing to about 50 Afro-Arabs ambassadors at the residence of Egyptian ambassador. The briefing was given to take all the ambassadors on board to counter international conspiracies being hatched to destabilize Balochistan.
Meanwhile, inside sources said, the backdoor channels unleashed by President Asif Zardari had played an important role in bringing the Baloch rebel leaders back to the negotiating table. Mr. Zardari was said to have used his Sindhi and Baloch contacts to get Baloch rebel leaders to agree to a new package on Balochistan before start of meaningful talks in the long run. These sources claimed that the PPP government in Islamabad had quietly paid a considerable amount to help Herbiyar Murree to fight a terrorism case in UK and get himself acquitted. The sources said, the amount was paid as a part of Confidence Building Measures(CBM) as PPP government greatly helped him to get the cases against him settled in the British courts. Herbiyar Murree was arrested by British Authorities in December 2007 on the request of General Musharraf. Before the arrest of Herbiyar, his brother Balach Marri was targeted and killed less than a fortnight ago. General Musharraf was using Rashid Rauf as a bargaining chip to bring Herbiyar Marri to Pakistan. But, now Islamabad has apparently taken a reconciliatory approach to soften the Baloch leader and this move may just pay dividends as PM goes to announce the new package.
Likewise, sources said, during the backdoor negotiation with Baramdagh Bugti, the PPP government had also agreed to offer him some concessions. Baramdagh was said to have asked the official negotiators to first give him a new green passport as his old one had expired.
The sources said, the establishment forces too had been in touch with Sardar Akthar Mengal on the issue of new initiatives as the Baloch leaders knew that political commitments with them would not work unless the establishment forces gave them firm assurances. The sources said, the Baloch leaders were now taking these initiatives seriously. The sources said, the abolition of cases against Akthar Mengal and his colleagues on terrorism charges during Musharraf regime had played a major role in convincing these leaders in showing flexibility and resuming a dialogue with the government.
The joint session of the parliament would continue even after the Eid so that the house could debate the new package before its approval. It was decided that a parliamentary committee would be formed to monitor the progress on this package after getting the full nod of the parliament as all these arrangements would be given a legal shape so as the Baloch rebel leadership could not find any excuse on the basis of trust deficit.
The sources said, earlier a four and half hours long meeting was presided over by the PM Gilani on Monday to give a final shape to the new package and his speech to be delivered in the joint sitting on Tuesday. The meeting was attended by Khurshid Shah, Qamar Zaman Kaira, Dr Babar Awan, Raza Rabbani, Naveed Qamar and others.
Balochistan package in Parliament
The Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Package has been tabled in the joint session of National Assembly and the Senate, Geo News reported Tuesday.
The Head of package-preparing Committee Mian Raza Rabbani announced the package in the joint session of the Parliament. He said the package comprises four parts, i.e. constitutional, political, administrative and economic recommendations.
However, he said the package is not a substitute for provincial autonomy, adding the national history in connection with provincial autonomy is rather bitter and those who raised their voice in past demanding their rights were termed as defectors.
Mian Raza said the dialogue process would be initiated with all political forces in the province and the exiled people would be offered passage for homecoming.
Also, it has been recommended to present to the fore the list of missing people and they would be brought to the courts, adding the package recommends that those missing people would be set free who have no cases against them.
The joint session of the Parliament was held here today at 3.00 p.m. for approval of Balochistan package.
President Asif Ali Zardari under the article 54(1) of the Constitution summoned the joint session of the Parliament to discuss the package for the uplift of Balochistan.
The Head of package-preparing Committee Mian Raza Rabbani announced the package in the joint session of the Parliament. He said the package comprises four parts, i.e. constitutional, political, administrative and economic recommendations.
However, he said the package is not a substitute for provincial autonomy, adding the national history in connection with provincial autonomy is rather bitter and those who raised their voice in past demanding their rights were termed as defectors.
Mian Raza said the dialogue process would be initiated with all political forces in the province and the exiled people would be offered passage for homecoming.
Also, it has been recommended to present to the fore the list of missing people and they would be brought to the courts, adding the package recommends that those missing people would be set free who have no cases against them.
The joint session of the Parliament was held here today at 3.00 p.m. for approval of Balochistan package.
President Asif Ali Zardari under the article 54(1) of the Constitution summoned the joint session of the Parliament to discuss the package for the uplift of Balochistan.
Government bigwigs dispute list of NRO
By Mohammad Ahmad Noorani
ISLAMABAD: The unannounced war between the Presidency and the PM House came out in the open on Sunday when, besides others, top presidential aides and a provincial governor blasted the NRO list issued by the state minister for law on the orders of the prime minister.
The list was strongly disputed by top friends and aides of President Asif Ali Zardari as many of them issued strong denials and explanations, with the president’s secretary general Salman Faruqui, saying “the innocent continued to be maligned with the guilty ones even after 12 years of media trial and no effort was being made to separate the two.”
“I offer to appear before any competent forum to substantiate my statement,” Faruqui averred An informed source said President Zardari was aware of the statement issued by Salman Faruqui on Sunday.
MQM leader Altaf Hussain strongly disputed the list from London, saying all the cases mentioned against him were instituted after he had left Pakistan in 1992. Pakistan’s ambassadors to Washington and London, Husain Haqqani and Wajid Shamsul Hasan had disputed their names in the list on Saturday with both offering to contest their cases in courts, if needed.
Haqqani said he was not even aware of any case and would contest it in any court if he were summoned.
The spate of denials and explanations left political observers wondering about the homework that was done before the release of the NRO list and whether any consultations had been held between the Presidency and the PM House before the names were released.
The NAB, on the other hand, claimed that all cases on their files had been included and no discrimination has been done. It was unclear how the PM House or the Law Ministry would reconcile the issues raised by top aides and friends of the president after the release of the NRO list.
An official press release was issued by the secretary general explaining his own position but his observation that “the innocent” had been bracketed with “the guilty” was significant as he did not identify who were the guilty.
Faruqui’s long denial came soon after Governor of Sindh, Ishartul Ebad issued his explanation saying the only case mentioned against him in the list was a 1992 case which had been quashed soon afterwards.
Salman Faruqui took strong exception to the allegations levelled against him in the NRO list of beneficiaries and urged the law minister to take steps to undo the damage done to innocent victims like him.
He said he was falsely implicated in textile quota case long after the original FIR was filed in 1997 against others only to politically victimise him. Even at that time he was not accused of forgery or fraud or illegal allotment of textile quota.
“It is a matter of deep concern and regret that the Sindhu did not find time to go through the record of the case and released to the media an unsubstantiated list containing false allegations that were not levelled even at the time,” he said.
Salman Faruqui said he was dismissed from service on the basis of the same concocted material but the Supreme Court of Pakistan, then also headed by Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, declared his dismissal as against law and principles of natural justice.
He said that the Supreme Court even rejected the revision application filed by the government only to delay his reinstatement and as a result the government had no choice but to reinstate him in service.
Referring to the mention of his name relating to the award of monopoly licence to ARY Gold in 1994 for the import of gold he said that originally he was not among the accused but was included as one of the accused in a supplementary reference that was filed much later.
He said that he had nothing to do with the said licence as he was posted as secretary commerce much later towards the end 1995. He had challenged action against him intended to harass and defame him.
He said that before filing and publishing concocted cases the frivolous charges and allegations should have been carefully reviewed.Faruqui said it was painful that the innocent continued to be maligned with the guilty ones even after 12 years of media trial and no effort was being made to separate the two. “In not doing so, those responsible were perhaps inadvertently helping the guilty at the cost of the innocent,” Faruqui lamented.
A spokesman for governor Sindh Dr Ishratul Ebad on Sunday said that since there had been no case against him under NRO, the question of taking advantage under the NRO by him does not arise.
The spokesman expressed surprise over reports about withdrawal of cases against the governor under NRO. He made it clear that there was no case pending against Dr Ishratul Ebad when he took over as governor in December 2002 and this had been announced at the higher level a number of times as well.
In the past, he said, an FIR was registered against him as political victimisation and that was declared legally nullified before he took over as governor. He said the case, as has been shown in the list released by State Minister for law Afzal Sindhu, the FIR for the same was registered 17 years back and it was legally withdrawn years back.
The governor’s spokesman said the federal government has been contacted over the inclusion of his name in the list. He expressed the hope that after this clarification, all speculations about the matter will end.
He said governor Dr Ishratul Ebad believes in the supremacy of law and even if there had been any case against him, he would have faced the courts despite the privilege he enjoys.
Our Lahore correspondent adds: Adviser to the Punjab Chief Minister Saeed Mehdi has expressed his astonishment over the inclusion of his name in the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) beneficiaries’ list and claimed he was implicated in the plane highjack case against Nawaz Sharif and an assets case. However, he claimed he was honourably acquitted in both the cases by courts.
Talking to The News, he said courts had acquitted him in the plane highjack case and also dismissed the appeal of Sindh government against the decision. He said he was acquitted in an assets case by the LHC Pindi bench.
Mehdi said the polo ground case was adjourned by the court and had not heard since. He said that there was no reason of taking benefit of NRO against a case, which had neither been heard nor he was given punishment in it. He claimed that he had not applied for getting benefit of NRO and he did not know as why his name was included in NRO list.
Mehdi said that he was witness in the polo ground case along with Asif Ali Zardari. He claimed that during his imprisonment in Adiala Jail, the prosecutor had approached him and offered him to become approver in this case against Asif Ali Zardari, but he had declined the offer. He said the prosecutor had asked him that he could better understand as why he (Saeed Mehdi) had declined offer to become approver in plane highjack case against Mian Nawaz Sharif, but it was beyond his understanding as why he was not prepared to become approver against Zardari.
Mehdi said that he had plainly told the prosecutor that it was against his honour and dignity to become approver against anyone. He stated that incumbent Commerce Minister Naveed Qamar and jail superintendent were witness to it.
Online adds: Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik has said that he has nothing to do with “Yellow Cab Scheme” adding that he was the worst political victim.
In a statement issued here on Sunday, Rehman Malik said that shallow charges were leveled against him because he had refused to become approver against Benazir Bhutto. He cleared that there are no corruption cases against him and court has exonerated him after regular hearing. It is a false propaganda to malign my character, he added.
Rehman Malik said that PML-Q cabinet had approved NRO and later on it was cleared by the rest of the political parties. He said that issuing of statement by PML-Q leadership on NRO is beyond his comprehension.
The interior minister said that he would make all the facts public at right time. He further added that running democratic system in the country is due to the NRO. Dictator was compelled to doff his uniform, judiciary was restored and elections were held in accordance with schedule and dictator has slipped abroad. He said, “Assassination attempt on me and later on sending me behind the bars and then let scorpions and snakes free in my prison was all part of political victimization against me”.
NNI adds: Nawab Mohammad Yousuf Talpur, member of Central Executive Committee of the Pakistan People’s Party has expressed his surprise over inclusion of his name in the list of beneficiaries of the NRO adding neither he nor his counsel had approached the court for benefit under the NRO.
In a press statement issued Sunday, the senior PPP leader said that he was implicated in the Ursus Tractor Scheme reference, which was never heard by any court after 2000 and he didn’t opt or ask for any benefit under NRO. While no offence was committed in the Ursus Tractor scheme.
The market value of Ursus and Belarus Tractors was Rs300,000 per unit then but the People’s government provided the growers tractors for Rs150,000 per unit.
“Being a co-accused in the case, and the case having been dropped by the court, it was a logical consequence that no action was due against me. Thus consequential result of the process could not be branded as a benefit drawn by me at any forum,” he said adding that the reference was heard by the court between 1997-1999 and thereafter the proceedings were stopped.
“During the proceedings or afterwards, I frequently visited abroad and was never arrested or put on ECL in the case,” he added.
Nawab Yousuf Talpur further said that he was ready to face the case as he had faced it earlier because the cases framed for political vendetta by the previous government could not stand in a fair trial and demanded that his name be deleted from the list of the NRO beneficiary.
Meanwhile Transparency International, the worldwide organisation monitoring corruption jumped into the NRO debate on Sunday night when its Pakistan director Adil Gilani issued a press release explaining what was meant by “corruption”.
“Most of NRO beneficiaries are saying they were not tried under corruption. This is a new joint strategy decided by them. All should know that Article 9 of the NAB Ordinance defines Corruption & Corrupt Practices as under:
“9 (a) A holder of a public office, or any other person, is said to commit or to have committed the offence of corruption and corrupt practices:
(i) If he accepts or obtains from any person or offers any gratification directly or indirectly, other than legal remuneration, as a motive or reward such as is specified in section 161 of the Pakistan Penal Code (Act XLV of 1860) for doing or for-bearing to do any official act, or for showing or for-bearing to show, in the exercise of his official functions, favour or disfavour to any person, or for rendering or attempting to render any service or disservice to any person; or
(ii) If he accepts or obtains or offers any valuable thing without consideration, or for a consideration which he knows to be inadequate, from any person whom he knows to have been, or likely to be, concerned in any proceeding or business transacted or about to be transacted by him, or having any connection with his official functions or[from] any person whom he knows to be interested in or related to the person so concerned; or
(iii) If he dishonestly or fraudulently misappropriates or otherwise converts for his own use, or for the use of any other person, any property entrusted to him, or under his control, or wilfully allows any other person so to do; or
(iv) if he by corrupt, dishonest, or illegal means, obtains or seeks to obtain for himself, or for his spouse* or dependents or any other person, any property, valuable thing, or pecuniary advantage; or
(v) If he or any of his dependents or benamindars owns, possesses, or has [acquired] right or title in any [“assets or holds irrevocable power of attorney in respect of any assets] or
pecuniary resources disproportionate to his known sources of income, which he cannot [reasonably] account for [or maintains a standard of living beyond that which is commensurate with his sources of income]; or
(vi) [If he misuses his authority so as to gain any benefit or favour for himself or any other person, or [renders or attempts to render] [or wilfully fails to exercise his authority to prevent the grant, or rendition of any undue benefit or favour which he could have prevented by exercising his authority];
(vii) If he has issued any directive, policy, or any SRO (Statutory Regulatory Order) or any other order which grants or [attempts to grant] any [undue] concession or benefit in any taxation matter or law or otherwise so as to benefit himself or any relative or associate or a benamidar [or any other person]
[(viii) If he commits an offence of wilful default, {; or }]
[(ix) If he commits the offence of cheating as defined in section 415 of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 (Act XLV of 1860), and thereby dishonestly induces members of the public at large to deliver any property including money or valuable security to any person; or
(x) If he commits the offence of criminal breach of trust as defined in section 405 of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 (Act XLV of 1860) with regard to any property including money or valuable security entrusted to him by members of the public at large; (This is applicable to public corporations private sector board members)
(xi) If he, in his capacity as a banker, merchant, factor, broker, attorney or agent, commits criminal breach of trust as provided in section 409 of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 (Act XLV of 1860) in respect of property entrusted to him or over which he has dominion; and
(xii) If he aids, assists, abets, attempts or acts in conspiracy with a person or a holder of public office accused of an offence as provided in clauses (i) to (xi).]; and
(b) All offences under this ordinance shall be non-bailable and, notwithstanding anything contained in section [426, 491,] 497, 498 and 561 A or any other provision of the code, or any other law for the time being in force no court shall have jurisdiction to grant bail to any person accused of any offence under this ordinance.
ISLAMABAD: The unannounced war between the Presidency and the PM House came out in the open on Sunday when, besides others, top presidential aides and a provincial governor blasted the NRO list issued by the state minister for law on the orders of the prime minister.
The list was strongly disputed by top friends and aides of President Asif Ali Zardari as many of them issued strong denials and explanations, with the president’s secretary general Salman Faruqui, saying “the innocent continued to be maligned with the guilty ones even after 12 years of media trial and no effort was being made to separate the two.”
“I offer to appear before any competent forum to substantiate my statement,” Faruqui averred An informed source said President Zardari was aware of the statement issued by Salman Faruqui on Sunday.
MQM leader Altaf Hussain strongly disputed the list from London, saying all the cases mentioned against him were instituted after he had left Pakistan in 1992. Pakistan’s ambassadors to Washington and London, Husain Haqqani and Wajid Shamsul Hasan had disputed their names in the list on Saturday with both offering to contest their cases in courts, if needed.
Haqqani said he was not even aware of any case and would contest it in any court if he were summoned.
The spate of denials and explanations left political observers wondering about the homework that was done before the release of the NRO list and whether any consultations had been held between the Presidency and the PM House before the names were released.
The NAB, on the other hand, claimed that all cases on their files had been included and no discrimination has been done. It was unclear how the PM House or the Law Ministry would reconcile the issues raised by top aides and friends of the president after the release of the NRO list.
An official press release was issued by the secretary general explaining his own position but his observation that “the innocent” had been bracketed with “the guilty” was significant as he did not identify who were the guilty.
Faruqui’s long denial came soon after Governor of Sindh, Ishartul Ebad issued his explanation saying the only case mentioned against him in the list was a 1992 case which had been quashed soon afterwards.
Salman Faruqui took strong exception to the allegations levelled against him in the NRO list of beneficiaries and urged the law minister to take steps to undo the damage done to innocent victims like him.
He said he was falsely implicated in textile quota case long after the original FIR was filed in 1997 against others only to politically victimise him. Even at that time he was not accused of forgery or fraud or illegal allotment of textile quota.
“It is a matter of deep concern and regret that the Sindhu did not find time to go through the record of the case and released to the media an unsubstantiated list containing false allegations that were not levelled even at the time,” he said.
Salman Faruqui said he was dismissed from service on the basis of the same concocted material but the Supreme Court of Pakistan, then also headed by Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, declared his dismissal as against law and principles of natural justice.
He said that the Supreme Court even rejected the revision application filed by the government only to delay his reinstatement and as a result the government had no choice but to reinstate him in service.
Referring to the mention of his name relating to the award of monopoly licence to ARY Gold in 1994 for the import of gold he said that originally he was not among the accused but was included as one of the accused in a supplementary reference that was filed much later.
He said that he had nothing to do with the said licence as he was posted as secretary commerce much later towards the end 1995. He had challenged action against him intended to harass and defame him.
He said that before filing and publishing concocted cases the frivolous charges and allegations should have been carefully reviewed.Faruqui said it was painful that the innocent continued to be maligned with the guilty ones even after 12 years of media trial and no effort was being made to separate the two. “In not doing so, those responsible were perhaps inadvertently helping the guilty at the cost of the innocent,” Faruqui lamented.
A spokesman for governor Sindh Dr Ishratul Ebad on Sunday said that since there had been no case against him under NRO, the question of taking advantage under the NRO by him does not arise.
The spokesman expressed surprise over reports about withdrawal of cases against the governor under NRO. He made it clear that there was no case pending against Dr Ishratul Ebad when he took over as governor in December 2002 and this had been announced at the higher level a number of times as well.
In the past, he said, an FIR was registered against him as political victimisation and that was declared legally nullified before he took over as governor. He said the case, as has been shown in the list released by State Minister for law Afzal Sindhu, the FIR for the same was registered 17 years back and it was legally withdrawn years back.
The governor’s spokesman said the federal government has been contacted over the inclusion of his name in the list. He expressed the hope that after this clarification, all speculations about the matter will end.
He said governor Dr Ishratul Ebad believes in the supremacy of law and even if there had been any case against him, he would have faced the courts despite the privilege he enjoys.
Our Lahore correspondent adds: Adviser to the Punjab Chief Minister Saeed Mehdi has expressed his astonishment over the inclusion of his name in the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) beneficiaries’ list and claimed he was implicated in the plane highjack case against Nawaz Sharif and an assets case. However, he claimed he was honourably acquitted in both the cases by courts.
Talking to The News, he said courts had acquitted him in the plane highjack case and also dismissed the appeal of Sindh government against the decision. He said he was acquitted in an assets case by the LHC Pindi bench.
Mehdi said the polo ground case was adjourned by the court and had not heard since. He said that there was no reason of taking benefit of NRO against a case, which had neither been heard nor he was given punishment in it. He claimed that he had not applied for getting benefit of NRO and he did not know as why his name was included in NRO list.
Mehdi said that he was witness in the polo ground case along with Asif Ali Zardari. He claimed that during his imprisonment in Adiala Jail, the prosecutor had approached him and offered him to become approver in this case against Asif Ali Zardari, but he had declined the offer. He said the prosecutor had asked him that he could better understand as why he (Saeed Mehdi) had declined offer to become approver in plane highjack case against Mian Nawaz Sharif, but it was beyond his understanding as why he was not prepared to become approver against Zardari.
Mehdi said that he had plainly told the prosecutor that it was against his honour and dignity to become approver against anyone. He stated that incumbent Commerce Minister Naveed Qamar and jail superintendent were witness to it.
Online adds: Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik has said that he has nothing to do with “Yellow Cab Scheme” adding that he was the worst political victim.
In a statement issued here on Sunday, Rehman Malik said that shallow charges were leveled against him because he had refused to become approver against Benazir Bhutto. He cleared that there are no corruption cases against him and court has exonerated him after regular hearing. It is a false propaganda to malign my character, he added.
Rehman Malik said that PML-Q cabinet had approved NRO and later on it was cleared by the rest of the political parties. He said that issuing of statement by PML-Q leadership on NRO is beyond his comprehension.
The interior minister said that he would make all the facts public at right time. He further added that running democratic system in the country is due to the NRO. Dictator was compelled to doff his uniform, judiciary was restored and elections were held in accordance with schedule and dictator has slipped abroad. He said, “Assassination attempt on me and later on sending me behind the bars and then let scorpions and snakes free in my prison was all part of political victimization against me”.
NNI adds: Nawab Mohammad Yousuf Talpur, member of Central Executive Committee of the Pakistan People’s Party has expressed his surprise over inclusion of his name in the list of beneficiaries of the NRO adding neither he nor his counsel had approached the court for benefit under the NRO.
In a press statement issued Sunday, the senior PPP leader said that he was implicated in the Ursus Tractor Scheme reference, which was never heard by any court after 2000 and he didn’t opt or ask for any benefit under NRO. While no offence was committed in the Ursus Tractor scheme.
The market value of Ursus and Belarus Tractors was Rs300,000 per unit then but the People’s government provided the growers tractors for Rs150,000 per unit.
“Being a co-accused in the case, and the case having been dropped by the court, it was a logical consequence that no action was due against me. Thus consequential result of the process could not be branded as a benefit drawn by me at any forum,” he said adding that the reference was heard by the court between 1997-1999 and thereafter the proceedings were stopped.
“During the proceedings or afterwards, I frequently visited abroad and was never arrested or put on ECL in the case,” he added.
Nawab Yousuf Talpur further said that he was ready to face the case as he had faced it earlier because the cases framed for political vendetta by the previous government could not stand in a fair trial and demanded that his name be deleted from the list of the NRO beneficiary.
Meanwhile Transparency International, the worldwide organisation monitoring corruption jumped into the NRO debate on Sunday night when its Pakistan director Adil Gilani issued a press release explaining what was meant by “corruption”.
“Most of NRO beneficiaries are saying they were not tried under corruption. This is a new joint strategy decided by them. All should know that Article 9 of the NAB Ordinance defines Corruption & Corrupt Practices as under:
“9 (a) A holder of a public office, or any other person, is said to commit or to have committed the offence of corruption and corrupt practices:
(i) If he accepts or obtains from any person or offers any gratification directly or indirectly, other than legal remuneration, as a motive or reward such as is specified in section 161 of the Pakistan Penal Code (Act XLV of 1860) for doing or for-bearing to do any official act, or for showing or for-bearing to show, in the exercise of his official functions, favour or disfavour to any person, or for rendering or attempting to render any service or disservice to any person; or
(ii) If he accepts or obtains or offers any valuable thing without consideration, or for a consideration which he knows to be inadequate, from any person whom he knows to have been, or likely to be, concerned in any proceeding or business transacted or about to be transacted by him, or having any connection with his official functions or[from] any person whom he knows to be interested in or related to the person so concerned; or
(iii) If he dishonestly or fraudulently misappropriates or otherwise converts for his own use, or for the use of any other person, any property entrusted to him, or under his control, or wilfully allows any other person so to do; or
(iv) if he by corrupt, dishonest, or illegal means, obtains or seeks to obtain for himself, or for his spouse* or dependents or any other person, any property, valuable thing, or pecuniary advantage; or
(v) If he or any of his dependents or benamindars owns, possesses, or has [acquired] right or title in any [“assets or holds irrevocable power of attorney in respect of any assets] or
pecuniary resources disproportionate to his known sources of income, which he cannot [reasonably] account for [or maintains a standard of living beyond that which is commensurate with his sources of income]; or
(vi) [If he misuses his authority so as to gain any benefit or favour for himself or any other person, or [renders or attempts to render] [or wilfully fails to exercise his authority to prevent the grant, or rendition of any undue benefit or favour which he could have prevented by exercising his authority];
(vii) If he has issued any directive, policy, or any SRO (Statutory Regulatory Order) or any other order which grants or [attempts to grant] any [undue] concession or benefit in any taxation matter or law or otherwise so as to benefit himself or any relative or associate or a benamidar [or any other person]
[(viii) If he commits an offence of wilful default, {; or }]
[(ix) If he commits the offence of cheating as defined in section 415 of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 (Act XLV of 1860), and thereby dishonestly induces members of the public at large to deliver any property including money or valuable security to any person; or
(x) If he commits the offence of criminal breach of trust as defined in section 405 of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 (Act XLV of 1860) with regard to any property including money or valuable security entrusted to him by members of the public at large; (This is applicable to public corporations private sector board members)
(xi) If he, in his capacity as a banker, merchant, factor, broker, attorney or agent, commits criminal breach of trust as provided in section 409 of the Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 (Act XLV of 1860) in respect of property entrusted to him or over which he has dominion; and
(xii) If he aids, assists, abets, attempts or acts in conspiracy with a person or a holder of public office accused of an offence as provided in clauses (i) to (xi).]; and
(b) All offences under this ordinance shall be non-bailable and, notwithstanding anything contained in section [426, 491,] 497, 498 and 561 A or any other provision of the code, or any other law for the time being in force no court shall have jurisdiction to grant bail to any person accused of any offence under this ordinance.
Telenor SIM Lagao New Offer
Qualifying / Eligible Customers:
Customers who have not used SIM since 1st October'09 will be able to avail this campaign
Subscriber who have subscribed for SIM Lagao on or before 21st May '09 (and have not used SIM since 1st October'09) are now eligible for the campaign again
To check if you are part of the campaign: Call IVR 2222 or SMS "FREE" to 2222
Offer Details:
"Make as many calls to ANY NETWORK & Get equal amount of Free Minutes"
Get 100 Free Minutes + 100 Free SMS by Calling IVR 2222 or SMS "FREE" to 2222. Bonus will be posted within 48 hours
During the next month after subscription, make as many calls to any network for complete 30 days & get free minutes (Telenor to Telenor only) in the following month equal to the number of calls made. Maximum bonus of 100 minutes will be posted.
Terms & Conditions
Call IVR 2222 (charges are Rs. 1 + tax per min) or SMS "FREE" to 2222 (charges are Rs. 1 + tax) to avail the 100 free minutes and 100 free SMS.
Validity of Free Minutes & Free SMS: 10 days after the free minutes and SMS have been posted to the subscriber's account
This Offer is for all prepaid packages
List of NRO beneficiaries contain surprise disclosures
ISLAMABAD: In a surprise disclosure on Saturday, the government released a list of National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) beneficiaries, despite previously refusing to submit these details in the National Assembly and the Senate.
Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid Senator Tariq Azeem had recently sought the details of NRO beneficiaries in a question submitted with the Senate, but the chairman had declared the senator’s question “inadmissible” on technical grounds, and said the matter was sub judice.
Similarly, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani announced on the floor of the National Assembly that the names and details of the NRO beneficiaries would be tabled in the House, but nothing came to light. But when the name of the prime minister’s wife also appeared in media, he not only clarified her position at a press conference, but also said he was displeased because the names of politicians and bureaucrats who benefited from the NRO had not been released.
NAB, however, instantly announced that the name of the prime minister’s wife was not on NRO beneficiaries’ list.
Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid Senator Tariq Azeem had recently sought the details of NRO beneficiaries in a question submitted with the Senate, but the chairman had declared the senator’s question “inadmissible” on technical grounds, and said the matter was sub judice.
Similarly, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani announced on the floor of the National Assembly that the names and details of the NRO beneficiaries would be tabled in the House, but nothing came to light. But when the name of the prime minister’s wife also appeared in media, he not only clarified her position at a press conference, but also said he was displeased because the names of politicians and bureaucrats who benefited from the NRO had not been released.
NAB, however, instantly announced that the name of the prime minister’s wife was not on NRO beneficiaries’ list.
Criminal neglect in checking of explosives
By Ansar Abbasi
ISLAMABAD: While the pilferage of high explosives and detonators is risking the lives of the people, the authorities are showing a criminal neglect in checking the manufacture, distribution and use of these lethal mass killer products.
Documents reveal that the ISI found a blasting company in Qillah Saif Ullah a few months back being involved in the sale of high explosives to unauthorised persons. On the basis of the ISI ís report, the company’s license was canceled by the Ministry of Industries on the recommendation of the Interior Ministry. However, the Interior Ministry got back to the Ministry of Industries within 10 days and sought the revival of the license. The Industries Ministry revived the license, ignoring a three-page charge-sheet issued by the department of explosives against the same company. Minister for Industries Watto, however, expressed his unawareness about the case whereas the Interior Ministry spokesman was not available for comments.
Documents reveal that the ISI reported early this year that the blasting company from Qillah Saif Ullah was owned by a retired Subedar Major, who purchases explosives from the POF Wah Cantt and further supplies it to a notorious smuggler, who carries out illegal explosives business.
Sensing the gravity of the report and its possible implications, the Interior Ministry wrote to the Ministry of Industries on May 28 that the company was indulged in irregularities in explosives business and that the security aspects regarding storage/sale process of explosives as per the standard operating procedures were not being adhered and remained a source of concern.
In view of this, the Industries Ministry was requested to temporarily suspend the license of the company. While the Ministry of Industries processed the matter, the Interior Ministry, just within 10 days, wrote another letter, saying that in view of the submission made by the company’s owner before the Interior Ministry, it has no objection to the revival of the license.
Before the department of explosives could feel the heat of the powerful of the ministries of industries and interior, it issued a show-cause notice to the company along with a three page charge-sheet. Some of these charges include that 23 explosives vans were used for transportation of explosives in year 2007-2008 by the company but it had mentioned only eight on its paper; no entry of vehicle was available on the company’s stock registers in which explosives were transported to place of use against the standing instruction; the stock register showed receipt and use of explosive consignments on the same date, which was logically impossible, thus showing that the company had “made fake entries in the stock registers”; there was no entry of 20,000 detonators purchased by the company in July 2007 from Wah Nobel in the company’s record; another consignment of 20,000 detonators purchased in Sept 2007 was missing from the company’s record, meaning thereby that “this consignment did not reach at your magazine and misused anywhere”; another consignment of 20,000 detonators was delivered to the company in April 2008 but in this case too there was no reflection of this consignment in the company’s stock register etc.
Following this show-cause notice, the department of explosives canceled the company’s license on July 6 but within a few weeks time, following an appeal filed by the company’s owner to the Ministry of Industries and owing to the Interior Ministryís pressure, the license was revived though the authorities remain in dark where were the licensed explosives and detonators used/misused.
Sources said that the explosive department has received on Saturday two more FIRs of seizure of vehicles carrying explosives. The matter of concern remains that the suicide bombers and terrorists involved in subversive activities are in vast majority cases using locally manufactured high explosives and detonators.
ISLAMABAD: While the pilferage of high explosives and detonators is risking the lives of the people, the authorities are showing a criminal neglect in checking the manufacture, distribution and use of these lethal mass killer products.
Documents reveal that the ISI found a blasting company in Qillah Saif Ullah a few months back being involved in the sale of high explosives to unauthorised persons. On the basis of the ISI ís report, the company’s license was canceled by the Ministry of Industries on the recommendation of the Interior Ministry. However, the Interior Ministry got back to the Ministry of Industries within 10 days and sought the revival of the license. The Industries Ministry revived the license, ignoring a three-page charge-sheet issued by the department of explosives against the same company. Minister for Industries Watto, however, expressed his unawareness about the case whereas the Interior Ministry spokesman was not available for comments.
Documents reveal that the ISI reported early this year that the blasting company from Qillah Saif Ullah was owned by a retired Subedar Major, who purchases explosives from the POF Wah Cantt and further supplies it to a notorious smuggler, who carries out illegal explosives business.
Sensing the gravity of the report and its possible implications, the Interior Ministry wrote to the Ministry of Industries on May 28 that the company was indulged in irregularities in explosives business and that the security aspects regarding storage/sale process of explosives as per the standard operating procedures were not being adhered and remained a source of concern.
In view of this, the Industries Ministry was requested to temporarily suspend the license of the company. While the Ministry of Industries processed the matter, the Interior Ministry, just within 10 days, wrote another letter, saying that in view of the submission made by the company’s owner before the Interior Ministry, it has no objection to the revival of the license.
Before the department of explosives could feel the heat of the powerful of the ministries of industries and interior, it issued a show-cause notice to the company along with a three page charge-sheet. Some of these charges include that 23 explosives vans were used for transportation of explosives in year 2007-2008 by the company but it had mentioned only eight on its paper; no entry of vehicle was available on the company’s stock registers in which explosives were transported to place of use against the standing instruction; the stock register showed receipt and use of explosive consignments on the same date, which was logically impossible, thus showing that the company had “made fake entries in the stock registers”; there was no entry of 20,000 detonators purchased by the company in July 2007 from Wah Nobel in the company’s record; another consignment of 20,000 detonators purchased in Sept 2007 was missing from the company’s record, meaning thereby that “this consignment did not reach at your magazine and misused anywhere”; another consignment of 20,000 detonators was delivered to the company in April 2008 but in this case too there was no reflection of this consignment in the company’s stock register etc.
Following this show-cause notice, the department of explosives canceled the company’s license on July 6 but within a few weeks time, following an appeal filed by the company’s owner to the Ministry of Industries and owing to the Interior Ministryís pressure, the license was revived though the authorities remain in dark where were the licensed explosives and detonators used/misused.
Sources said that the explosive department has received on Saturday two more FIRs of seizure of vehicles carrying explosives. The matter of concern remains that the suicide bombers and terrorists involved in subversive activities are in vast majority cases using locally manufactured high explosives and detonators.
Hersh claims US nuke team already in Islamabad
By Muhammad Saleh Zaafir
ISLAMABAD: Pulitzer prize winning American journalist Seymour Hersh has claimed that an elite US special forces squad which operates covertly and includes terrorism and non-proliferation experts from the US intelligence community — the Pentagon, the FBI, and the DOE — is already present in Pakistan and could well be housed in the US embassy in Islamabad.
The startling disclosure was made in Hersh’s candid interview with Pakistan’s most popular TV channel Geo News’ widely viewed current affairs programme ‘Meray Mutabiq’, hosted by Dr Shahid Masood. The programme was aired on Saturday late evening.
Seymour Hersh said that the Americans had been constituting such crack teams for various purposes and the team in question here was to deal with any eventuality including any fear of takeover by Taliban or any other ‘development’ with regard to Pakistani nukes.
Group Editor of The News Shaheen Sehbai taking part in the programme expressed the view that Musharraf’s remarks about President Asif Zardari, as attributed by Hersh, could not be casually ignored. He said it must be investigated why Musharraf accused Zardari of not being a patriot, because, according to Sehbai, Hersh had some inside information given to him in interviews with Musharraf and Zardari which he did not reveal in his report. But Sehbai said journalists always attribute information given to them by responsible people to “reliable sources” if these people ask them to refrain from quoting them directly.
Former Director General, Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan, Lt Gen Hamid Gul also participating in the programme, verified the credentials of Hersh and gave a detailed account of US presence in the sensitive areas in Pakistan. He opined that the US wanted to delegate the role of proxy super power of the region to India and for that Pakistan had to be denuclearised.
Former Foreign Secretary Shamshad Ahmad Khan expressed his apprehensions about the alleged activities but he ruled out any possibility of the US team being in a position to gain access to Pakistan’s nuclear facilities.
The programme (to be telecast again at 2:05pm today - Sunday), host Dr Shahid Masood had raised the question about the action that the team/squad could take in any eventuality. He referred to previous reports of Hersh which appeared in New Yorker magazine last week in which Hersh disclosed that after the US authorities received a report by their embassy in Islamabad indicating that a Pakistani nuclear component had gone astray, a highly classified US military and civil-emergency response team was put on alert. The team which operates clandestinely is reportedly under standing orders to deploy from Andrews Air Force Base, in Maryland (Washington), within four hours of an alert.
When the report turned out to be a false alarm, the mission was aborted but by the time the team got the message, it was already in Dubai while on its way to Pakistan. Hersh quoted a consultant of the US Defence Department in his write-up and later he discussed the role of the US embassy in ‘Meray Mutabiq’ last week, which was hosted by Dr Shahid Masood and participated by Group Editor The News Shaheen Sehbai.
It was the maiden interview of the US investigative journalist in the wake of his thrilling write-up about the US plans towards Pakistan’s nuclear programme and the controversial observations of former President Musharraf regarding his successor. Seymour Hersh while standing by his report, pertaining to the comments offered by former President General (R) Pervez Musharraf about incumbent President Asif Zardari, has disclosed that the former president had given some harsher comments about his successor but in the ultimate scrutiny he allowed the remarks that he made part of his article.
General Hamid Gul disclosed in his talk with Dr Shahid Masood that former president General Pervez Musharraf allowed the US planes to land in Pakistan to pick Osama bin Laden about whom they had an inkling that he was present in a remote village of Balochistan. He said that when Hersh visited him to verify the veracity of the information, “I requested him to publish the story and he obliged. I was of the opinion that the Americans want to get in Pakistan under the pretext of the story that had yet to appear and it could open the way for future US incursions,” the General added.
ISLAMABAD: Pulitzer prize winning American journalist Seymour Hersh has claimed that an elite US special forces squad which operates covertly and includes terrorism and non-proliferation experts from the US intelligence community — the Pentagon, the FBI, and the DOE — is already present in Pakistan and could well be housed in the US embassy in Islamabad.
The startling disclosure was made in Hersh’s candid interview with Pakistan’s most popular TV channel Geo News’ widely viewed current affairs programme ‘Meray Mutabiq’, hosted by Dr Shahid Masood. The programme was aired on Saturday late evening.
Seymour Hersh said that the Americans had been constituting such crack teams for various purposes and the team in question here was to deal with any eventuality including any fear of takeover by Taliban or any other ‘development’ with regard to Pakistani nukes.
Group Editor of The News Shaheen Sehbai taking part in the programme expressed the view that Musharraf’s remarks about President Asif Zardari, as attributed by Hersh, could not be casually ignored. He said it must be investigated why Musharraf accused Zardari of not being a patriot, because, according to Sehbai, Hersh had some inside information given to him in interviews with Musharraf and Zardari which he did not reveal in his report. But Sehbai said journalists always attribute information given to them by responsible people to “reliable sources” if these people ask them to refrain from quoting them directly.
Former Director General, Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan, Lt Gen Hamid Gul also participating in the programme, verified the credentials of Hersh and gave a detailed account of US presence in the sensitive areas in Pakistan. He opined that the US wanted to delegate the role of proxy super power of the region to India and for that Pakistan had to be denuclearised.
Former Foreign Secretary Shamshad Ahmad Khan expressed his apprehensions about the alleged activities but he ruled out any possibility of the US team being in a position to gain access to Pakistan’s nuclear facilities.
The programme (to be telecast again at 2:05pm today - Sunday), host Dr Shahid Masood had raised the question about the action that the team/squad could take in any eventuality. He referred to previous reports of Hersh which appeared in New Yorker magazine last week in which Hersh disclosed that after the US authorities received a report by their embassy in Islamabad indicating that a Pakistani nuclear component had gone astray, a highly classified US military and civil-emergency response team was put on alert. The team which operates clandestinely is reportedly under standing orders to deploy from Andrews Air Force Base, in Maryland (Washington), within four hours of an alert.
When the report turned out to be a false alarm, the mission was aborted but by the time the team got the message, it was already in Dubai while on its way to Pakistan. Hersh quoted a consultant of the US Defence Department in his write-up and later he discussed the role of the US embassy in ‘Meray Mutabiq’ last week, which was hosted by Dr Shahid Masood and participated by Group Editor The News Shaheen Sehbai.
It was the maiden interview of the US investigative journalist in the wake of his thrilling write-up about the US plans towards Pakistan’s nuclear programme and the controversial observations of former President Musharraf regarding his successor. Seymour Hersh while standing by his report, pertaining to the comments offered by former President General (R) Pervez Musharraf about incumbent President Asif Zardari, has disclosed that the former president had given some harsher comments about his successor but in the ultimate scrutiny he allowed the remarks that he made part of his article.
General Hamid Gul disclosed in his talk with Dr Shahid Masood that former president General Pervez Musharraf allowed the US planes to land in Pakistan to pick Osama bin Laden about whom they had an inkling that he was present in a remote village of Balochistan. He said that when Hersh visited him to verify the veracity of the information, “I requested him to publish the story and he obliged. I was of the opinion that the Americans want to get in Pakistan under the pretext of the story that had yet to appear and it could open the way for future US incursions,” the General added.
SC says NRO validation must by parliament, or else...
Zardari, others to face trials
ISLAMABAD: The Supreme Court on Wednesday made it absolutely essential for the government to get the NRO and all other ordinances revalidated from parliament within the time given by the court, to prevent all the cases, including those against President Asif Ali Zardari, from being revived automatically.
In the detailed judgment of its July 31 short order issued by the SC, all corruption and criminal cases in which benefit was given under the NRO after February 5, 2008, the date the NRO legally expired, would stand automatically reopened if parliament fails to validate the NRO retrospectively. Simply speaking it means that the benefits were given when the NRO was no longer in existence.
The apex court did not agree with the perception that the benefits drawn from the NRO are past and closed transactions.It instead judged: “Under Article 89 of the Constitution, an ordinance issued by the president if not so laid before the National Assembly, or both Houses of Parliament, stands repealed on expiration of four months from its promulgation.”
Under this judgment, the NRO stands invalid since February 5, 2008, when it completed its 120-day constitutional life. The NRO was enforced on Oct 6, 2007, and within 120 days had to be passed by parliament as a bill or re-issued as an ordinance, which it was not.
Much to the worry of the ruling elite particularly President Zardari, all their corruption and criminal cases were quashed because of the NRO after February 5, when as per the Supreme Court’s judgment, the NRO did not exist. President Zardari’s acquittal from all cases happened during March-April 2008. (See list)
“Only such rights, privileges, obligations, or liabilities would lawfully be protected as were acquired, accrued or incurred under the said Ordinances during the period of four months or three months, as the case may be, from their promulgation, whether before or after November 3, 2007, and not thereafter, until such ordinances were enacted as acts by Parliament with retrospective effect,” the Supreme Court ruled.
The Supreme Court did not discuss the NRO in isolation but set the same principle for all ordinances that were covered under Musharraf’s PCO, now declared unconstitutional. In case parliament validates the NRO retrospectively (with effect from February 5, 2008) as per the judgment of the apex court, the Supreme Court also made it clear in the same judgment: “Needless to say that any validation whether with retrospective effect or otherwise, shall always be subject to judicial review on the well recognized principles of ultra vires, non-conformity with the Constitution or violation of the Fundamental Rights, or on any other available ground.”
It is relevant to mention here that the NRO soon after its promulgation in October 2007 was challenged in the Supreme Court, which has yet to hear the petitions questioning the very validity of the controversial ordinance.
In para 186 of the detailed judgment, the SC said, “Proclamation of Emergency and PCO No 1 of 2007 having been declared unconstitutional and void ab initio and the validity purportedly conferred on all such Ordinances by means of Article 270AAA and by the judgment in Tikka Iqbal Muhammad Khan’s case also having been shorn, such ordinances would cease to be permanent laws with the result that the life of such ordinances would be limited to the period specified in Article 89 and 128 of the Constitution, viz., four months and three months respectively from the date of their promulgation. Under Article 89 of the Constitution, an ordinance issued by the president, if not so laid before the National Assembly, or both Houses of Parliament, stands repealed on expiration of four months from its promulgation. Similarly, under Article 128 of the Constitution, an ordinance issued by the governor, if not so laid before the concerned provincial assembly, stands repealed on expiration of three months from its promulgation.”
In its para 187, the detailed judgment said, “It may be noted that such ordinances were continued in force throughout under a wrong notion that they had become permanent laws. Thus, the fact remains that on the touchstone of the provisions of Articles 89 and 128 read with Article 264 of the Constitution and Section 6 of the General Clauses Act, 1897, only such rights, privileges, obligations, or liabilities would lawfully be protected as were acquired, accrued or incurred under the said ordinances during the period of four months or three months, as the case may be, from their promulgation, whether before or after November 3, 2007, and not thereafter, until such ordinances were enacted as acts by Parliament or the concerned provincial assembly with retrospective effect.”
According to the details gathered by The News, President Asif Ali Zardari’s acquittal from all the corruption and criminal cases happened between March 6, 2008, to May 20, 2008. The likes of Interior Minister Rehman Malik, Suleman Faruqi, Zulfikar Mirza, Wajid Shamsul Hasan, Chaudhry Ahmad Mukhtar, Usman Farooqi, M B Abbasi and many others also benefited after the ordinance lapsed.
Americans see a change in the air in Pakistan
By Dr Shahid Masood
WASHINGTON: Americans see a change fast, but smoothly, coming in Pakistan in the wake of loss of credibility of the man at the helm, following some domestic legal developments.
After meeting top political and defence decision-makers here in the US capital, where I was invited by the National Defence University (NDU) for a two-day seminar on the anniversary of 9/11, I was told in unambiguous terms that a change in Pakistan was inevitable for US policy interests, although Washington does not intend to disrupt the system.
Several important Pakistani political players have also been conveyed the same message by the US political and defence establishment, including the MQM and recently the ANP, whose chief is travelling with President Asif Zardari in New York.
The main problem being faced by the US administration, which it may never admit publicly, is that the present set-up with Asif Ali Zardari as the de facto ruler, has no credibility at home and no ability to deliver on the promises he makes, either on the military side or on the war on terror or on governance issues.
“Zardari has also abandoned the idea of political consensus which he had started to follow in the early days after the February elections,” one official said on background. “He appears to be non-serious in government and lives in perpetual fear and insecurity, preferring to stay out of the country.”
The US side thinks that they had made a sensible move by pushing an alliance between late Benazir Bhutto and General Pervez Musharraf as this team would have provided all the ingredients of a stable and cooperative Pakistan to Washington. She would have provided the political support while Musharraf would have used his military muscle against the terrorists and extremists in a stable environment.
They say Zardari has failed to provide that environment, rather he has involved himself in day-to-day business and administrative matters while his political coalition and parliament have been left looking like dumb and dummies.
Many officials say Zardari has been asking the US administration to bail him out on too many issues and too many occasions. He has sought the US help to tame the Army, keep his alliance partners, especially the opposition of Nawaz Sharif’s PML-N in check, directly or through the Saudis on sensitive issues like Musharraf’s or cutting his own constitutional powers.
All these demands are way beyond the capacity of any US administration to deliver while Zardari has almost left everything to us to handle, an agitated official said. “If we have to handle everything, his own credibility within the country will sink and has sunk to the lowest low.”
Other officials I met were even blunter. They say the US abhors corruption, kickbacks and commissions anywhere in the world as a matter of policy.
Another official said the US would keep track of the parties or persons involved and money transaction in the Pakistan’s rental power venture. There are still no roadmaps or any modality work sheets in Washington on how a change in Pakistan would occur, but the US capital is keeping its fingers crossed as to what comes out of the NRO case pending with the Supreme Court.
The impression gathered from the words of these top Americans is that the US would not intervene if the apex court starts hearing the case. The view is that if the NRO was discussed and details of who benefited, who made what deals and how serious crimes were committed and then whitewashed, start to be revealed in the SC, the moral authority of the NRO beneficiaries would erode fatally. In this scenario, the NRO beneficiaries may themselves throw in the towel seeking a safe exit.
In several informed US and Pakistani circles I moved in for several days in Washington, the same scenario was repeated, often exactly in the same tone and sequence.
A Pakistani, who knows a lot about developments in Pakistan and the US scene, said that apart from this purely legal and domestic scene, there were four possible ways through which Zardari could exit. These ways were repeated by others who had nothing to do at all with the previous source. They are: one, impeachment; two, voluntary resignation in the wake loss of credibility; three, ‘natural’ or man-made elimination of the president, and, four, an Army coup. The impeachment and coup scenarios are considered non-starter and impossibility.
US and some Pakistani circles said that a resignation after enough dirt is thrown in the public domain when the NRO case details begin to unfold is a favourite way out, as it would not, being an outcome of the legal process, disrupt the system.
I was asked many times whether a coup is a possibility in the current situation and I always said no, but the question kept surfacing again and again.
This is probably because there was some loose talk of a shuffle in the military hierarchy by President Zardari in which Army chief General Kayani was to be replaced by some other pliant general who could ensure continuity and stability for the Zardari regime.
This scenario was shot down in Washington instantly as an impossibility, since it had information that the Pakistan Army considered a coup or intervention as a total no-go area and could have brought back another October 12, 1999 type of situation. It is so also because of the fact that Gen Kayani has established, through words and deeds, that he is all for democracy.
With all these scenarios being discussed, the growing feeling is that not much time is left for the current status quo and it will lead to a period of political turmoil in Pakistan if President Zardari continues with his ways any longer.
The sudden emergence of a top MQM delegation in Washington for talks with the policy makers, officials and think tanks of Washington has also raised many questions as the official Pakistani diplomatic channels were totally cut off and I gather that this was done at the insistence of the US side more than the MQM leadership.
Not even a courtesy meeting between Governor Ishratul Ebad and Ambassador Husain Haqqani was held until four days after the arrival of the MQM delegation and meetings with top strategists, including Bruce Riedel, John Negroponte, Richard Boucher, and current State Department officials, including Richard Holbrooke.
A similar exercise has now been planned with the ANP chief while he will be here in the presidential entourage.
What happened in these meetings is known only to the MQM leaders and the US side but the tone and tenor of MQM in the coming weeks and days will give the first hints of whether the course of the PPP-MQM alliance is changing in stormy waters in the middle of the sea. How the ANP reacts is also to be seen but already Asfandyar Wali is said to be very happy with the praise for his party’s governance in the NWFP by US officials as well as the promises to give them direct financial aid. With the MQM and the ANP almost on board, I will be eagerly waiting for the first signs of the new US strategy unfolding in the days and weeks to come.
WASHINGTON: Americans see a change fast, but smoothly, coming in Pakistan in the wake of loss of credibility of the man at the helm, following some domestic legal developments.
After meeting top political and defence decision-makers here in the US capital, where I was invited by the National Defence University (NDU) for a two-day seminar on the anniversary of 9/11, I was told in unambiguous terms that a change in Pakistan was inevitable for US policy interests, although Washington does not intend to disrupt the system.
Several important Pakistani political players have also been conveyed the same message by the US political and defence establishment, including the MQM and recently the ANP, whose chief is travelling with President Asif Zardari in New York.
The main problem being faced by the US administration, which it may never admit publicly, is that the present set-up with Asif Ali Zardari as the de facto ruler, has no credibility at home and no ability to deliver on the promises he makes, either on the military side or on the war on terror or on governance issues.
“Zardari has also abandoned the idea of political consensus which he had started to follow in the early days after the February elections,” one official said on background. “He appears to be non-serious in government and lives in perpetual fear and insecurity, preferring to stay out of the country.”
The US side thinks that they had made a sensible move by pushing an alliance between late Benazir Bhutto and General Pervez Musharraf as this team would have provided all the ingredients of a stable and cooperative Pakistan to Washington. She would have provided the political support while Musharraf would have used his military muscle against the terrorists and extremists in a stable environment.
They say Zardari has failed to provide that environment, rather he has involved himself in day-to-day business and administrative matters while his political coalition and parliament have been left looking like dumb and dummies.
Many officials say Zardari has been asking the US administration to bail him out on too many issues and too many occasions. He has sought the US help to tame the Army, keep his alliance partners, especially the opposition of Nawaz Sharif’s PML-N in check, directly or through the Saudis on sensitive issues like Musharraf’s or cutting his own constitutional powers.
All these demands are way beyond the capacity of any US administration to deliver while Zardari has almost left everything to us to handle, an agitated official said. “If we have to handle everything, his own credibility within the country will sink and has sunk to the lowest low.”
Other officials I met were even blunter. They say the US abhors corruption, kickbacks and commissions anywhere in the world as a matter of policy.
Another official said the US would keep track of the parties or persons involved and money transaction in the Pakistan’s rental power venture. There are still no roadmaps or any modality work sheets in Washington on how a change in Pakistan would occur, but the US capital is keeping its fingers crossed as to what comes out of the NRO case pending with the Supreme Court.
The impression gathered from the words of these top Americans is that the US would not intervene if the apex court starts hearing the case. The view is that if the NRO was discussed and details of who benefited, who made what deals and how serious crimes were committed and then whitewashed, start to be revealed in the SC, the moral authority of the NRO beneficiaries would erode fatally. In this scenario, the NRO beneficiaries may themselves throw in the towel seeking a safe exit.
In several informed US and Pakistani circles I moved in for several days in Washington, the same scenario was repeated, often exactly in the same tone and sequence.
A Pakistani, who knows a lot about developments in Pakistan and the US scene, said that apart from this purely legal and domestic scene, there were four possible ways through which Zardari could exit. These ways were repeated by others who had nothing to do at all with the previous source. They are: one, impeachment; two, voluntary resignation in the wake loss of credibility; three, ‘natural’ or man-made elimination of the president, and, four, an Army coup. The impeachment and coup scenarios are considered non-starter and impossibility.
US and some Pakistani circles said that a resignation after enough dirt is thrown in the public domain when the NRO case details begin to unfold is a favourite way out, as it would not, being an outcome of the legal process, disrupt the system.
I was asked many times whether a coup is a possibility in the current situation and I always said no, but the question kept surfacing again and again.
This is probably because there was some loose talk of a shuffle in the military hierarchy by President Zardari in which Army chief General Kayani was to be replaced by some other pliant general who could ensure continuity and stability for the Zardari regime.
This scenario was shot down in Washington instantly as an impossibility, since it had information that the Pakistan Army considered a coup or intervention as a total no-go area and could have brought back another October 12, 1999 type of situation. It is so also because of the fact that Gen Kayani has established, through words and deeds, that he is all for democracy.
With all these scenarios being discussed, the growing feeling is that not much time is left for the current status quo and it will lead to a period of political turmoil in Pakistan if President Zardari continues with his ways any longer.
The sudden emergence of a top MQM delegation in Washington for talks with the policy makers, officials and think tanks of Washington has also raised many questions as the official Pakistani diplomatic channels were totally cut off and I gather that this was done at the insistence of the US side more than the MQM leadership.
Not even a courtesy meeting between Governor Ishratul Ebad and Ambassador Husain Haqqani was held until four days after the arrival of the MQM delegation and meetings with top strategists, including Bruce Riedel, John Negroponte, Richard Boucher, and current State Department officials, including Richard Holbrooke.
A similar exercise has now been planned with the ANP chief while he will be here in the presidential entourage.
What happened in these meetings is known only to the MQM leaders and the US side but the tone and tenor of MQM in the coming weeks and days will give the first hints of whether the course of the PPP-MQM alliance is changing in stormy waters in the middle of the sea. How the ANP reacts is also to be seen but already Asfandyar Wali is said to be very happy with the praise for his party’s governance in the NWFP by US officials as well as the promises to give them direct financial aid. With the MQM and the ANP almost on board, I will be eagerly waiting for the first signs of the new US strategy unfolding in the days and weeks to come.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)